Medijska scena Srbije u decembru 2024.

Izvor: ANEM

I SLOBODA IZRAŽAVANJA

Podrška studentima koji se bore za demokratske vrednosti u Srbiji

Novinarska i medijska udruženja okupljena u Koaliciju za slobodu medija i ANEM pozvali su svoje kolege i koleginice da podrže studente koji su u protestu i bore se za demokratiju, pravdu i slobodu govora u Srbiji.¹ Koalicija za slobodu medija uputila je poziv i evropskim medijima da obaveštavaju svoje građane o borbi za slobodu koja se vodi u Srbiji.²

Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija osudilo je saopštenje Koalicije za slobodu medija i navelo da je Koalicija na taj način iskoračila iz profesionalnih i etičkih okvira novinarske profesije i otvoreno se uključila u politički život u našoj zemlji.³

Nezavisno društvo novinara Vojvodine (NDNV) i udruženje Nezavisnost, u znak potpune podrške zahtevima studenata, učenika i građana, obustavila su sve kontakte sa aktuelnim režimom. Ta udruženja, sve do ispunjenja studentskih zahteva, neće učestvovati u sastancima, razgovorima, pregovorima i dogovorima sa predstavnicima režima. Zbog „besprizornog napada na Koaliciju za slobodu medija“, zatražena je i smena мinistra informisanja i telekomunikacija Dejana Ristića.⁴

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Sredinom decembra međunarodna organizacija Amnesty International objavila je izveštaj ’Digitalni zatvor’ ー Nadzor i represija civilnog društva u Srbiji. Navodi se da je reč o studiji slučaja koja za cilj ima rasvetljavanje načina na koji srpske vlasti, koristeći tehnologiju nadzora i taktike digitalne represije, vrši kontrolu i demonstrira silu nad civilnim društvom. Izveštaj prezentuje egzaktne dokaze da su pripadnici policije i BIA napravili špijunski softver (u izveštaju nazvan NoviSpy) koji je instaliran u pametne telefone najmanje četvoro aktivista, novinara i članova civilnog društva. Za pristupanje zaštićenim računarskim sistemima (zlo)upotrebljeno je hardversko-softversko rešenje Cellebrite UFED (visoko sofisticirani alat za digitalnu forenziku, koji je izradila izraelska kompanija Cellebrite). Pripadnici MUP-a i BIA do mobilnih uređaja su dolazili dok su pripadnici civilnog društva, novinari i aktivisti boravili u njihovim prostorijama (kao privedeni ili pozvani na informativni razgovor). U vreme pristupanja zaštićenim računarskim sistemima, telefonski uređaji bili su van domašaja lica u čijem su vlasništvu. Telefoni bi prvo bili prisilno otključani uz pomoć alata Cellebrite UFED, sa njih bi potom bili preuzeti podaci, i na kraju je u njih bio instaliran špijunski softver NoviSpy. Prema uvidima Amnesty International-a, NoviSpy ima mogućnost da pravi skrinšotove i šalje ih direktno na server BIA. Osim pravljenja skrinšotova, NoviSpy može da obezbedi pristup lokaciji, mikrofonu i kameri.

U izveštaju Amnesty International stoji:

Ministarstvo spoljnih poslova Norveške, koje je doniralo tehnologiju Cellebrite UFED, i Kancelarija Ujedinjenih nacija za projektne usluge (UNOPS), koja je bila zadužena za nabavku za koju su korišćena sredstva norveškog granta za potrebe Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova, nisu sproveli adekvatnu dubinsku analizu kako bi procenili i ublažili potencijalne rizike ove tehnologije po ljudska prava, niti su obezbedili mere zaštite protiv njene zloupotrebe. S obzirom na slabo regulisanu oblast digitalnog nadzora u Srbiji, zabrinutost za nezavisnost pravosuđa i stalna izveštavanja o pretnjama civilnom društvu i nezavisnim novinarima, norveška vlada i UNOPS imali su obavezu da vrše nadzor i sprovedu dubinsku analizu prilikom nabavke visoko invazivne tehnologije i njenog prenosa srpskim institucijama. Ovakvim propustom omogućeno je i doprinelo se kršenju ljudskih prava na privatnost, slobodu izražavanja, udruživanje i mirno okupljanje primenom nezakonitog digitalnog nadzora. U odgovoru na saznanja do kojih se došlo u izveštaju, Ministarstvo spoljnih poslova Norveške navodi da smatra da je „zabrinjavajuća mogućnost da su digitalni forenzički alati, nabavljeni preko projekta koji je finansirala Norveška zloupotrebljeni za targetiranje predstavnika civilnog društva u Srbiji“, i dodaje da „ukoliko bi ovi navodi bili tačni, [to] bi predstavljalo očigledno kršenje principa norveške razvojne pomoći, kao i dogovorene svrhe podrške pružene srpskim vlastima u tom trenutku“. Ministarstvo je dodalo da se očekuje da će UNOPS, koji je bio odgovoran za sve projektne aktivnosti, sprovesti temeljnu istragu navodnih zloupotreba.

Amnesty International daje egzaktne dokaze da je novinaru portala FAR iz Dimitrovgrada Slaviši Milanovu (o tom slučaju više u Monitoringu medijske scene za mart 2024. godine), prilikom njegovog boravka u prostorijama MUP-a, bio instaliran špijunski softver Novi Spy. Na telefonu Slaviše Milanova intervenisalo se bez zakonom propisane procedure. Milanov nije bio obavešten o nameri da mu se uređaj pretraži, nije mu naveden zakonom propisan osnov zbog koga se pretraga vrši, nije mu zatražena šifra uređaja (niti ju je on hotimice ili nehotice dao).⁵

Iako je povodom rečenog događaja Slaviša Milanov podneo nadležnom tužilaštvu krivičnu prijavu, a Sektoru unutrašnje kontrole MUP-a pritužbu, reakcija nadležnih instutucija je izostala. Tužilaštvo (još uvek) nije kontaktiralo sa novinarom, a postupak unutrašnje kontrole nije ni pokrenut.⁶ Dopisom Policijske uprave u Pirotu Milanov je obavešten da je policijska uprava izvršila proveru njegovih navoda i konstatovala da nije dokazano da su policijski službenici, preduzimanjem službenih mera i radnji, ugrozili njegova ljudska prava i slobode, već su postupali u skladu sa zakonom i Pravilnikom o policijskim ovlašćenjima.

Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS) apelovalo je na tužilaštvo da utvrdi odgovornost za zloupotrebu digitalnih forenzičkih alata i praćenje novinara i aktivista. Pored slučaja Slaviše Milanova, NUNS je pažnju usmerio i na slučaj Ljubomira Stefanovića, autora YouTube kanala Slavija Info, o čijem slučaju možete naći više informacija u Monitoringu medijske scene za oktobar 2024. godine. Prema informacijama kojima NUNS raspolaže, kod Ljubomira Stefanovića je došlo do upotrebe Cellebrite alata, koji se koristi za otključavanje telefona i preuzimanje podataka sa njega, čime se otvara mogućnost za instalaciju NoviSpy špijunskog softvera.⁷

Povodom izveštaja Amnesty International-a oglasila se i BIA, tvrdeći da je agencija radila isključivo u skladu sa zakonima Republike Srbije, i da nisu u stanju „čak“ ni da komentarišu

„besmislene navode iz njihovog teksta“. U saopštenju BIA još se kaže:

Povodom „izveštaja“ Amnesty International, objavljenog 16.12.2024. godine, Bezbednosno-informativna agencija može samo da konstatuje da trivijalni senzacionalizam njegovog sadržaja ukazuje na svrhu Amnesty International koja se ogleda u radu za interese pojedinih agencija i grupa za pritisak.⁸

Reagovao je MUP, kratkim saopštenjem:

U vezi sa izveštajem Amnesti Internešnala koji se odnosi na korišćenje forenzičkog alata, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova obaveštava javnost da se u okviru Nacionalnog centra za kriminalističku forenziku, Uprave za tehniku, MUP Republike Srbije forenzički alat koristi isključivo u skladu sa Zakonikom o krivičnom postupku Republike Srbije.

Takođe, napominjemo da se na isti način forenzički alat koristi i u drugim policijama sveta, te da su navodi u izveštaju Amnesti Internešnal-a apsolutno netačni.⁹

Resorno ministarstvo smatra da nije nadležno za ispitivanje navoda iz izveštaja Amnesty International-a. Uprkos objavljenim podacima o instalaciji špijunskih softvera, ministar Dejan Ristić 2024. godinu ocenio je kao „najuspešniju“ i „rekordnu godinu“. Upitan da oceni izveštaj, ministar je rekao:

Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija nije MUP i nije tužilaštvo. Mi u tom smislu ne možemo da sprovodimo istrage i utvrđujemo da li su neke tvrdnje zasnovane na činjenicama ili nisu. To, kao i u svakoj demokratskoj državi, prepuštamo organima koji su nadležni za to.¹⁰

Brojne domaće i međunarodne organizacije ustale su u odbranu osnovnih građanskih sloboda. Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku zatražio je od srpskih vlasti da hitno obustave nezakonit digitalni nadzor i istraže sve slučajeve zloupotrebe, uključujući i odgovornost pojedinaca u državnim institucijama. Od Evropske komisije tražili su da ozbiljno razmotri na koji način zloupotreba digitalnog nadzora u Srbiji utiče na proces evropskih integracija. Zatraženo je da međunarodna zajednica pojača podršku organizacijama civilnog društva, aktivistima i novinarima kako bi mogli da obavljaju svoj posao bez straha od nadzora i represije. Od kompanije Cellebrite, kao i od drugih kompanija koje proizvode alate digitalnog nadzora, zahteva se prekid saradnje sa srpskim vlastima dok se ne uspostavi pravni i transparentan okvir za korišćenje njihovih proizvoda.¹¹

Osam dana nakon objavljivanja izveštaja, deset organizacija civilnog društva podnelo je Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal zajedničku krivičnu prijavu prijavu protiv N. N. lica iz MUP-a i BIA, zbog postojanja osnova sumnje da su aktivistima i novinarima telefoni bili prisilno otključani, a potom „zaraženi špijunskim softverom“,¹² čime su izvršena krivična dela: Neovlašćeno prikupljanje ličnih podataka,¹³ Pravljenje i unošenje računarskih virusa,¹⁴ Neovlašćeni pristup zaštićenom računaru, računarskoj mreži i elektronskoj obradi podataka.¹⁵

SafeJournalists i MFRR traže da se izvrši brza i temeljna istraga o upotrebi špijunskog softvera i da se uvedu stroži propisi kojim će se urediti njegovo korišćenje u Srbiji.¹⁶

Grupa evroposlanika uputila je vlastima u Srbiji pismo u kome je apelovala na to da se prestane sa upotrebom špijunskih softvera:

Mi, dole potpisani članovi Evropskog parlamenta, izrazito smo zabrinuti i zgroženi nalazima izveštaja organizacije Amnesti Internešenel, koji pokazuje da su srpske bezbednosne institucije sistematski zloupotrebljavale špijunske alate poput NoviSpy i Pegasusa, kao i forenzičke alate poput Cellebrite, za nezakonito prikupljanje podataka sa uređaja novinara, aktivista i građana koji mirno izražavaju neslaganje sa vlastima. Ove prakse predstavljaju direktan napad na osnovne slobode, uključujući pravo na mirno okupljanje, slobodu izražavanja i pravo na udruživanje.

U situaciji u kojoj se širom Srbije odvijaju masovni protesti i građanski nemiri nakon tragedije u Novom Sadu, od ključne je važnosti obezbediti da digitalna represija i nezakoniti nadzor odmah prestanu.

Građani Srbije zaslužuju da žive u zemlji koja poštuje i štiti osnovna prava i slobode, a ne da budu izloženi nezakonitom i proizvoljnom postupanju sopstvene policije i bezbednosnih službi.

Kao kandidat za članstvo u EU, od Srbije se apsolutno očekuje da odmah prestane sa upotrebom svih špijunskih alata i zloupotrebom strane finansijske pomoći u ove svrhe. Stoga najoštrije osuđujemo ovaj nezakoniti nadzor i zahtevamo hitnu, transparentnu i nezavisnu istragu ovih ozbiljnih optužbi, kao i krivično gonjenje odgovornih lica unutar Vlade Srbije, Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova i Bezbednosno-informativne agencije. Na kraju, pozivamo sve kompanije koje pružaju digitalne alate za nadzor da obustave saradnju sa Srbijom dok se ne uspostavi transparentna i odgovorna politika.¹⁷

24.12.2024. na portalu NUNS, izvor: N1, Beta.

Posebnu pažnju izveštaju organizacije Amnesty International-a posvetili su članovi Stalne radne grupe za bezbednost novinara (SRG), koja je saopštila da će zbog ozbiljnosti navoda o neovlašćenom prisluškivanju, nadzoru i praćenju pojedinih novinara, sve pomno pratiti i preduzimati dodatne mere s ciljem da se utvrdi da li su izvršena neka od krivičnih dela na štetu novinara i da li su poštovane zakonom propisane procedure.¹⁸

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Na konferenciji za štampu održanoj u decembru, iz Ministarstva informisanja i telekomunikacija saopšteno je da je, u odnosu na prošlu godinu, tokom 2024. godine došlo do smanjenja broja napada i pritisaka na novinare. Podaci Nezavisnog udruženja novinara Srbije pak pokazuju da se broj fizičkih napada na novinare povećao, te da je u poslednja dva meseca evidentirano više fizičkih napada nego u prvih 10 meseci tekuće godine. I broj pretnji na društvenim mrežama takođe se povećao.¹⁹

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Narodni poslanici iz Pokreta socijalista Bojan Torbica i Đorđe Komlenski podneli su Narodnoj skupštini Predlog Zakona o posebnom registru agenata stranog uticaja. Kako je predloženo, ideja je da se zahvaljujući zakonu uspostavi poseban Registar neprofitnih organizacija osnovanih u Republici Srbiji. Kako se predlogom zakona predviđa, organizacije koje u pretežnom delu finansiraju od strane stranih subjekata ili ih strani subjekti pomažu na neki drugi način, zbog svog političkog uticaja, delovanja i vršenja drugih političkih aktivnosti — mogu se (poštujući odredbe zakona) odrediti kao

„agenti stranog uticaja“.

U obrazloženju predloga navodi se da se zakonom omogućava građanima Srbije da jasno

„uoče i saznaju“, ko iz inostranstva i koliko plaća razna udruženja tj. neprofitne organizacije“. Cilj je da se obezbedi uvid u to „po čijim programima i direktivama“ neprofitne organizacije „rade i ono što je najvažnije, kojim stranim vladama i organizacijama polažu račune“. Predlagači izričito navode da

„izdaja sopstvene zemlje i naroda ne može da bude visoko profitabilna delatnost, od koje deo građana Srbije ostvaruje ekstremno visoke finansijske prihode“.

Domaća stručna javnost podseća na to da ovo nije prvi put da se pokreće pomenuta inicijativa.

objavljen 18.12.2024. na portalu N1.

Predlog zakona ocenjuju kao pritisak na lica koja kritikuju postupke vlasti, sa željom da se pažnja civilnog društva skrene sa gorućih tema.²⁰

Evropski ekonomski i socijalni komitet (The European Economic and Social Committee) izneo je duboku zabrinutost povodom predloga zakona:

Ovaj nacrt zakona predstavlja ozbiljnu i direktnu pretnju za organizacije civilnog društva, ugrožavajući njihovu ulogu u očuvanju demokratskih vrednosti, ljudskih prava i evropskih integracija. Pozivamo srpske zakonodavce da razmotre implikacije predloženog nacrta zakona i izbegnu radnje koje mogu da naškode civilnom društvu i ometaju napredak Srbije na evropskom putu.²¹

U odgovoru koji je portparol Stejt dipartmenta povodom rečenog predloga uputio Radiju slobodna Evropa (RSE), navodi se da su Sjedinjene Države duboko zabrinute zbog implikacija koje bi predloženi zakon mogao imati na demokratiju, ljudska prava i osnovne slobode:²²

Takav zakon mogao bi da suzi prostor za delovanje građanskog društva, stigmatizuje organizacije civilnog društva koje rade na unapređenju života građana Srbije i ometa rad nezavisnih medija koji javnosti pružaju tačne informacije.²³

Za RSE Evropska komisija je rekla:

Podsećamo da svaki zakon zemlje kandidata za članstvo u EU mora biti u skladu sa osnovnim demokratskim vrednostima EU, uključujući slobodu govora i izražavanja.²⁴

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Pred održavanje Samita EU — Zapadni Balkan u Briselu (reč je o prvom sastanku na visokom nivou između članova nove Evropske komisije i šefova država Balkana), međunarodna organizacija Reporteri bez granica ukazala je na samit kao na važnu priliku za stvaranje novog političkog zamaha i postavljanje ambicioznih ciljeva za slobodu medija. Reporteri bez granica pozvali su Evropsku uniju i države članice da od zemalja kandidata zahtevaju da se obavežu na unapređenje svojih zakona s ciljem da podstaknu slobodan, nezavisan i pluralistički medijski pejzaž u regionu Zapadnog Balkana. Prema Svetskom indeksu slobode medija RSF-a za 2024, sloboda medija pogoršana je u svih šest

zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, dok Srbija i Albanija u zoni EU-Balkan imaju najgore rezultate. Bez obzira na to što su bolje rangirane, i u drugim zemljama regiona sloboda medija i dalje je krhka.²⁵

Pritisci i napadi

Slučaj paljenja kuće Milana Jovanovića

Iako je od paljenja kuće Milana Jovanovića prošlo šest godina, postupak za naknadu materijalne štete koju su Milan Jovanović i njegova supruga pretrpeli – nije daleko odmakao. Pre tri godine, Drugi osnovni sud u Beogradu oglasio se nenadležnim za postupanje jer se pokazalo da visina potraživane naknade štete prevazilazi limit u kome postupa osnovni sud.²⁶ Tuženi su protiv odluke suda izjavili žalbu. Po tom pitanju sud još uvek nije doneo odluku. U postupku za naknadu nematerijalne štete prvo ročište održano je 27. 12. 2024. godine.²⁷

Dragoljub Simonović i Igor Novaković trenutno su na odsluženju zatvorske kazne. Za Aleksandrom Marinkovićem, koji je zapalio kuću Milana Jovanovića, raspisana je međunarodna poternica; za sad, nije lociran.²⁸ Vladimir Mihailović čeka odluku Višeg suda povodom žalbe koju je izjavio protiv odluke kojom mu je odbijeno odlaganje zatvorske kazne.²⁹

Više o pravnosnažnoj presudi donetoj u tom slučaju u Monitoringu medijske scene u Srbiji za april 2024. godine.

Slučaj lišenja slobode Dušana Milanovića, vlasnika izdavača portala Kosovo online

Dušan Milanović, kom je krajem novembra određeno policijsko zadržavanje u trajanju od 48 sati, pušten je da se brani sa slobode.³⁰ Milanoviću se na teret stavlja izvršenje krivično delo Terorizam zbog navodnog upravljanja Telegram grupom „Koridor“.

Pretnje upućene Slavko Ćuruvija fondaciji

Početkom decembra, Slavko Ćuruvija fondaciji je sa Fejsbuk naloga lica potpisanog kao Dušan Milisavljević upućena preteća poruka: „A ZAŠTO TO VAS IZ ĆURUVIJE BRINE PAZITE IMA JOŠ USKRSA POZLATILE SE RUKE“. Fondacija je podnela prijavu Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal. Povodom tog događaja reagovala su domaća novinarska udruženja. Koalicija za slobodu medija³¹ i UNS³² tražili su hitnu identifikaciju i procesuiranje lica koje je pretnju uputilo. Apel su uputile i međunarodne organizacije Komitet za zaštitu novinara za Evropu i centralnu Aziju,³³ Kancelarija OEBS-a u Srbiji,³⁴ Kancelarija Saveta Evrope za medijske slobode³⁵ i Medijska organizacija jugoistočne Evrope.³⁶

Iako su nadležnom tužilaštvu dostavljene informacije o profilu sa kog je preteća poruka upućena, osoba čiji su podaci objavljeni nije saslušana jer se, po informacijama dobijenim iz MUP-a, od Fejsbuka čeka potvrda identiteta.

Slučaj napada na novinara Radara Vuka Cvijića – i dalje bez pomaka

Ni šest meseci nakon što je Vuk Cvijić prijavio da ga je jedan od suvlasnika izdavača provladinih tabloida Srpski telegraf i Republika.rs Milan Lađević fizički napao u centru Beograda − tužilaštvo nije dobilo od MUP-a snimke sa kamera za video-nadzor. Redakcija Insajdera uputila je tužilaštvu pitanja u vezi sa tim slučajem. Tužilštvo je novinare usmerilo na MUP koji je do danas bez odgovora.³⁷

Napadi na novinara i dopisnike Televizije N1

U NUNS-ovoj Bazi napada na novinare zabeležen je slučaj fizičkog napada na novinara Dušana Mlađenovića. Kako se navodi, isto lice i ranije je „teško uznemiravalo“ i „fizički napadalo“ Mlađenovića i njegovu porodicu, što je novinar prijavljivao nadležnim organima. Uz podršku ANEM- a i NUNS-a Mlađenović je konkretan slučaj prijavio prvo telefonskim putem, a zatim i lično, odlaskom u policijsku stanicu Vračar u Beogradu.³⁸

U prvoj polovini decembra, dopisnici iz Novog Sada Lei Apro otet je mobilni telefon tokom izveštavanja sa blokade Fakulteta tehničkih nauka u Novom Sadu. Prema informacijama koje je objavila TV N1, studenti u blokadi skrenuli su pažnju novinarki na mladića koji je snima a koji, po njihovim rečima, ne podržava blokade. Novinarka je mladića pitala zbog čega je snima. On je zaklonio lice i nedugo zatim oteo joj telefon. Kako se navodi, telefon je dao drugom mladiću, zatim je došlo do kraćeg gurkanja, nakon čega je novinarki telefon vraćen.³⁹ NUNS,⁴⁰ NDNV⁴¹ i UNS⁴² u svojim saopštenjima osudili su napad na novinarku i tražili hitno procesuiranje odgovornih u tom slučaju.

Dopisnica iz Novog Sada Sanja Kosović takođe je bila napadnuta. Na protestnom ispred Skupštine AP Vojvodine nepoznati muškarac dva puta je udario mikrofon koji j novinarka držala u rukama.⁴³

Preteći komentari upućeni redakciji medija Radar, TV N1 i Regionalnoj informativnoj agenciji JUGpress

Sredinom decembra redakcija nedeljnika Radar Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal prijavila je uznemirujuće poruke koje su joj bile upućene u formi komentara: „uskoro pepeo“,

„vidimo se“.

Prema rečima novinara, nije prvi put da od istog pošiljaoca primaju komentare sličnog sadržaja. Ranije su na njihovu adresu stizale sledeće reči: „lešinarima sledi put u večna lovišta“,

„uskoro neće biti gamadi i lešinara“, „sm.t lešinarima… Vidimo se…“, pa onda opet „vidimo se“,

„pepeo ostao iza svih vas USKORO“). Neki od tih komentara prijavljeni su nadležnim organima.

Krajem decembra na Fejsbuk stranici redakcije TV N1 ostavljena je preteća poruka: „Jedva čekam da vam jebem mamu zapadno fašističku“. Komentar je prijavljen Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal.⁴⁴

Redakcija medija JugPress prijavila je nadležnim organima preteće poruke koje su joj

ostavljene u komentarima na redakcijskom Fejsbuk nalogu, ispod objave o leskovačkim gimnazijalcima koji odaju počast postradalima zbog pada nadstrešnice u Novom Sadu.⁴⁵ Nakon što je prijava podneta, sporni komentar je uklonjen. Po fotografijama i porukama koje kači na svom Fejsbuk profilu, zaključuje se da je lice koje je uputilo preteću poruku simpatizer SNS-a.

Pretnje upućene novinarki TV Nova S Isidori Kovačević

U NUNS-ovoj Bazi napada na novinare evidentirana je pretnja upućena novinarki Isidori Kovačević.⁴⁶ Njoj je, posredstvom društvene mreže Fejsbuk, upućena poruka: „…i svis te vi izdajnici divne zemlje Srbije. Svi ste vi turci, a turčinu vjerovati? Samo mrtvom turčinu možeš donekle vjerovati…“. Pretnja je prijavljena Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal.

U decembru 2021. godine, zbog izveštavanja sa protesta organizovanog u znak protivljenja najavljenom iskopavanju litijuma od strane kompanije Rio Tinto, u Šapcu su lepljene „poternice“ na kojima je bio lik novinarke Isidore Kovačević. O tome više u Monitoringu medijske scene u Srbiji za oktobar 2024. godine.

Mediji onemogućeni da prate sednicu Skupštine AP Vojvodine

U drugoj polovini decembra, UNS se oglasio saopštenjem u kom je protestovao zbog onemogućavanja novinarima, snimateljima i fotoreporterima da prate sednicu Skupštine AP Vojvodine. Novinarka portala Radio 021 iz Novog Sada Dragana Prica Kovačević u izjavi za UNS je rekla da je medijima bilo omogućeno da snime samo prvih 15 minuta sednice, iako su se na njoj donosile važne odluke poput odluke o usvajanju budžeta. Kako je novinarka rekla, ulaz je bio dozvoljen samo snimateljima i fotoreporterima. Ona je uspela da uđe, jer za portal Radio 021 i snima i fotografiše. Nakon 15 minuta od početka sednice, fotoreporterima i snimateljima naloženo je da napuste salu. Nakon što su se usprotivili, bili su fizički izgurani napolje. Neko vreme nisu mogli da napuste zgradu Skupštine jer su vrata bila zaključana.⁴⁷

Neprimerene reči ne prestaju da stižu

Gradonačelnik Bora Aleksandar Milikić neprimerenim rečima („Vi niste ništa drugo do lajavi pacer koji misli da će glupim tekstovima steći popularnost“) obratio se dopisniku dnevnog lista Danas iz Zaječara Miljku Stojanoviću. Prema pisanju ovog medija, gradonačelnikove neprimerene reči bile su reakcija na tekst „Zaječarska opozicija ’preotela’ tribinu naprednjaka u selu pored Zaječara“ i na novinarsko pitanje: Zbog čega gradonačelnik Bora obilazi sela koja pripadaju opštini Zaječar i sa meštanima tih sela drži tribine?⁴⁸

Novinarka TV N1 Žaklina Tatalović na društvenoj mreži X objavila je poruku koju joj je uputio predsednik Omladinske filharmonije u Nišu: „Ti si Žaklina jedno najgore govno izdajničko, Mam.. ti j.. izdajničku, Trebala si ovo kod Kim Džon Una da uradiš, pa da vidiš kako bi se provela, Đubre izdajničko i đubre plaćeničko, Odgovaraćeš kad tad“.⁴⁹ Nakon što je objavila poruku, novinarka je primila javno izvinjenje u kom se pošiljalac poruke pozvao na to da mu je profil bio hakovan.⁵⁰

U NUNS-ovoj bazi slučajeva napada na novinare⁵¹ evidentirana je poruka upućena Željku Bodrožiću, predsedniku NUNS-a. Poruka mu je stigla preko Fejsbuk naloga NUNS-a. Poruka glasi:

„Kada ce Kvazinezavisno udruzenje novinara Srbije da se ogradi od javnih istupa majmunolike individue koja se predstavlja kao i odaziva na Zeljko Bodrozić? Kao što je to bio utisak u Utisku nedelje. Prethodna crno bela pacovčina na mestu lidera KNUNS-a je otišla Bogu na ispovest i nikako nisam uspevao da se rasplačem kad sam čuo…“. NUNS će taj slučaj, kako je u bazi mreže SafeJournalists navedeno,⁵² prijaviti Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal kao govor mržnje.

U decembru je NUNS saopštenjem pružio podrsku novinaru Nikoli Stameniću i redakciji Sportkluba i osudio ponašanje generalnog direktora Fudbalskog kluba Crvena zvezda Zvezdana Terzića, koji je, kako se navodi, vređao i omalovažavao Stamenića i druge novinare i medije (Sportklub, Nova S, Danasa, Radar i portal Direktno).⁵³

Udruženje novinara Srbije (UNS) sa svojim ogrankom na Kosovu osudilo je pretnje upućene direktoru prištinskog portala Periskopi Iljiru Mireni. Kako UNS navodi, na Fejsbuk nalogu portala Nacionale objavljen je komentar: „Ovaj čovek zaslužuje metak“. Komentar je upućen sa naloga Visar Kabaši, a odnosio se na Iljira Mirenija.⁵⁴

II  MONITORING PROCESA USVAJANJA NOVIH ZAKONA

Zakon o javnim medijskim servisima

U prvoj polovini decembra, Koalicija za slobodu medija objavila je saopštenje u kom je ukazala na to da je, dva meseca nakon pisanja Nacrta zakona o javnim medijskim servisima, „Vlada još jednom obesmislila proces izmene medijskih zakona“. Koalicija je saopštila da je ministar Dejan Ristić nacrt zakona „nametnuo“ tako da je rad na izradi Nacrta ZJMS-a, na iznenađenje članova Radne grupe, prekinut pre nego što je zapravo bio okončan. Koalicija je potcrtala činjenicu da nacrt izlazi iz okvira onog na čemu je Radna grupa radila i da je kao takav u suprotnosti sa Medijskom strategijom.⁵⁵

Ključne primedbe Nacrta ZJMS-a jesu sledeće – prvo, iako je to osnovna smernica Medijske strategije i ključna stavka za ostvarivanje nezavisnosti javnih medijskih servisa, nacrtom zakona nisu predviđene izmene u pogledu načina njihovog finansiranja.⁵⁶ Radna grupa predložila je više modela, od kojih su svi bili odbijeni. Drugo, u Nacrtu ZJMS-a RTS i RTV ostaju ustanove koje raspolažu državnim kapitalom, što obesmišljava institucionalnu autonomiju javnih medijskih servisa. Treće, uloga Poverenika za zaštitu prava slušalaca, gledalaca i čitalaca (uvođenje te institucije predviđeno je Medijskom strategijom), zbog načina na koji se bira i razrešava (od strane generalnog direktora), sveden je na administrativnog radnika, bez suštinske nezavisnosti u svom radu.⁵⁷

Zakon o javnom informisanju i medijima i Zakon o elektronskim medijima

Početkom decembra, održani su prvi sastanci Radne grupe za izradu Nacrta zakona o izmenama i dopunama Zakona o javnom informisanju i medijima, kao i Radne grupe za izradu Nacrta zakona o izmenama i dopunama Zakona o elektronskim medijima.⁵⁸

Radne grupe trebalo je da izrade radne verzije Nacrta zakona o izmenama i dopunama ZJIM- a i ZEM-a, i da ih dostave Ministarstvu informisanja i telekomunikacija najkasnije do kraja 2024. godine. Nakon toga, resorno ministarstvo treba da raspiše javnu raspravu.⁵⁹

Dva dana pre prvog sastanka radnih grupa za izradu ZJIM-a i ZEM-a, UNS je, reagujući na zvanično obaveštenje da se u Radnoj grupi za izradu Nacrta ZJIM-a ne nalaze predstavnici NUNS-a, NDNV-a i ANEM-a, a da će u njoj raditi predstavnici Društva novinara Vojvodine (DNV) i Profesionalnog udruženja novinara Srbije (PROUNS), koji u medijskoj zajednici nisu prepoznati kao organizacije koje se zalažu za zaštitu novinara i slobodu govora i informisanja, zatražio od ministra da promeni odluku o sastavu radnih grupa.⁶⁰

Reagujući na ovo, Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija odlučilo je da izmeni Rešenje o formiranju Radne grupe za izradu Nacrta zakona o izmenama i dopunama ZJIM-a. U Radnu grupu uključen je i NUNS. UNS je pozdravio odluku, iznoseći primedbu da je MIT trebalo da obezbedi da u Radnoj grupi učestvuju i ANEM, Asocijacija medija i NDNV, budući da su te organizacije učestvovale u pisanju Medijske strategije, Akcionog plana za njeno sprovođenje i poslednje verzije medijskih zakona.⁶¹

I Koalicija za slobodu medija i ANEM pitali su ministra iz kog razloga u Radnoj grupi za izradu Nacrta ZIJM-a nije bilo mesta za organizacije koje su učestvovale u izradi medijskih zakona i drugih dokumenata. Odgovor ministarstva bio je da su se opredelili za to da se „odgovornost za rad na izradi izmena i dopuna zakonskih propisa proširi i na druga udruženja koja do sada u tome nisu učestvovala“, imajući u vidu da u Srbiji, u oblasti javnog informisanja, deluje 76 profesionalnih udruženja. Koalicija za slobodu medija istakla je da „broj registrovanih udruženja nije niti ikada može biti pokazatelj pluralizma, aktivnosti niti ekspertize istih“, i podsetila na to da je dosadašnja praksa bila da sve organizacije članice Koalicije za slobodu medija delegiraju svoje članove za sve radne grupe koje se odnose na izradu medijskog zakonodavstva, Strategiju javnog informisanja i pratećeg Akcionog plana. Ta praksa nije bez osnova, s obzirom na to da su sve organizacije do sada dokazale da su kredibilni partneri koji značajno doprinose u procesu usvajanja ključnih propisa u oblasti javnog informisanja.⁶²

Zakon o slobodnom pristupu informacijama od javnog značaja

U toku trajanja javne rasprave o Nacrtu Zakona o slobodnom pristupu informacijama od javnog značaja, Nacionalni konvent o Evropskoj uniji upozorio je na to da predložene izmene umanjuju dostignuti nivo prava i otvaraju prostor za dodatne zloupotrebe.

Iako se izmenama zakona pristupilo s ciljem da se reše problemi masovne zloupotrebe prava od strane malicioznih tražilaca informacija i advokata, organizacije civilnog društva okupljene u Koaliciji za slobodu pristupa informacijama i u Nacionalnom konventu o Evropskoj uniji — smatraju da predlozi iz Nacrta ZoSPIJZ umanjuju dostignuti nivo prava javnosti da bude obaveštena, te tako ostavljaju prostor organima vlasti za prekomerno ograničenje prava. Grupa organizacija civilnog društva, među kojima se nalaze Transparentnost Srbija, Partneri Srbija, Komitet pravnika za ljudska prava (YUKOM), Građanske inicijative, CRTA i Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije izradila je set alternativnih predloga⁶³ koji mogu da doprinesu rešenju problema nastalih zloupotrebom prava na pristup informacijama od javnog značaja.

Novi Kodeks novinara i novinarki Srbije

Krajem decembra na snagu je stupio novi Kodeks novinara i novinarki Srbije. Po novom Kodeksu, Komisija za žalbe Saveta za štampu postupaće počevši od januara 2025. godine.

Ključne izmene odnose se na: poštovanje dostojanstva, veštačku inteligenciju i društvene mreže, nezavisnost novinara, privatnost i lične podatke, uvođenje rodno osetljivog jezika i digitalne izazove.⁶⁴

U Kodeks je uvedeno novo poglavlje „Poštovanje dostojanstva“. Uvrštene su i odredbe kojima se uređuju pravo na zaborav, korišćenje veštačke inteligencije i korišćenje sadržaja sa društvenih mreža, kao i odredbe kojima se predviđa urednička kontrola (samim tim i odgovornost) za sadržaj koji je kreiran pomoću veštačke inteligencije. Dužnost medija je da označi sadržaj kreiran korišćenjem rečenih alata. U poglavlju koje se bavi pitanjem nezavisnosti novinara ističe se nezavisnost od korporativnih interesa. Poglavlje o poštovanju privatnosti značajno je unapređeno. Kada je reč o komentarima, uvedena je novina obaveznog obaveštavanja o tome da li se koristi premoderacija ili postmoderacija. Takođe, u kodeksu svoje mesto imaju i odredbe o rodno osetljivom jeziku.⁶⁵

III  IMPLEMENTACIJA POSTOJEĆIH PROPISA

Rok za prijavljivanje na Javni poziva za predlaganje kandidata za izbor članova Saveta REM-a istekao je 16.12.2024.

Na sednici održanoj 20. decembra, Odbor za kulturu i informisanje usvojio je listu kandidata i predlagača za izbor Saveta REM-a. Kandidatima u čijoj su dokumenataciji uočeni nedostaci, ostavljen je rok da do 27. decembra nedostatke otklone.

ANEM je 27.12.2024. uputio prigovor na listu kandidata i predlagača i zatražio da se na skupštinskom sajtu objavi celokupna dokumentacija dostavljena od strane predlagača i kandidata za Savet REM-a.⁶⁶

Konačnu listu kandidata skupštinski odbor utvrdio je 30. decembra 2024. godine.

Projektno sufinansiranje

Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija izradilo je izmene i dopune Pravilnika o sufinansiranju projekata za ostvarivanje javnog interesa u oblasti javnog informisanja, sa pripadajućim obrascima. Ukazujući na određene nelogičnosti sadržane u objavljenim dokumentima (nelоgičnosti se, između ostalog, tiču formiranja baze kandidata, kao i nedostataka informacija u vezi sa pristupom Jedinstvenom informacionom sistemu), ANEM je resornom ministru uputio dopis u kom je od njega zatražio da uočene nelogičnosti pojasni.

IV  SLAPP TUŽBE USMERENE PREMA NOVINARIMA I MEDIJIMA

Koalicija protiv SLAPP u Evropi (CASE) i Fondacija Dafne Karuana Galicija, objavile su izveštaj koji je pokazao da je tokom 2023. godine podneto 166 SLAPP tužbi. Srbija spada u jednu od zemalja u kojima je pokrenut značajan broj takvih postupaka.⁶⁷

Protiv novinara istraživačkog portala KRIK Predrag Koluvija podneo je treću tužbu. Tužba je podneta protiv urednika, novinarke i udruženja koje je osnivač portala KRIK, i njom se — zbog navodne povrede dostojanstva ličnosti objavljivanjem teksta „Operacija ’Cepelin’: Koluvija i pre ‘Jovanjice’ bio osumnjičen za proizvodnju marihuana“ – traži naknada nematerijalne štete u iznosu od 100.000,00 rsd.

Jednu od tužbi koju je Predrag Koluvija podneo protiv glavnog urednika i izdavača portala KRIK, Platforma Saveta Evrope za promovisanje zaštite novinarstva i bezbednosti novinara ocenila je kao „akt koji ima zastrašujući efekat na slobodu medija“.⁶⁸ O prethodnim postupcima više u Monitoringu medijske scene u Srbiji za jun 2024. godine.

Ova publikacija objavljena je uz finansijsku pomoć Evropske unije i Ministarstva informisanja i telekomunikacija Republike Srbije. Za sadržinu ove publikacije isključivo je odgovorna Asocijacija nezavisnih elektronskih medija i ta sadržina nipošto ne izražava zvanične stavove Evropske unije i Ministarstva informisanja i telekomunikacija.

Ovaj Monitoring izveštaj uradio je stručni monitoring tim iz advokatske kancelarije „Savović”, u saradnji sa ANEM-om.

1 Novinarska i medijska udruženja: Student i nam sada čast iz osnovnih postulata novinarstva, tekst objavljen 17.12.2024. na portalu Cenzolovka.

2 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Poziv evropskim medijima da izveštavaju o borbi za slobodu građana Srbije, saopštenje objavljeno na portalu Koalicije.

3 Ministarstvo osuđuje političko delovanje Koalicije za slobodu medija, saopštenje objavljeno 19.12.2024. na portalu Ministarstva informacija i telekomunikacija.

4 NDNV i Nezavisnost: Solidarišemo se sa studentima i obustavljamo sve kontakte sa režimom, zahtevamo ostavku ministra  informisanja, saopštenje objavljeno 21.12.2024. na portalu NDNV.

5 A Digital Prison: Surveillance and the suppression of civil society in Serbia: Executive Summary – Amnesty International

6 Državni nadzor: Novinaru tajno instaliran špijunski softver u telefon tokom ispitivanja u policijskoj stanici, autorka: Vesna Radojević, tekst objavljen 16.12.2024. na portalu Raskrikavanje.

7 Pozivamo tužilaštvo da utvrdi ko je odgovoran za zloupotrebu digitalnih forenzičkih alata i praćenje novinara i aktivista, saopštenje objavljeno 17.12.2024. na portalu NUNS.

8 Saopštenje BIA 16.12.2024. godine | Bezbednosno-informativna agencija

9 MUP: Navodi Amnestijevog izveštaja su netačni, forenzički alat koristimo u skladu sa zakonom, autorka: Milica Ljubičić, tekst objavljen 16.12.2024. na portalu Raskrikavanje.

10 U izveštaju Ministarstva informisanja ni reči o špijuniranju novinara: Za ministra 2024. “apsolutno najuspešnija” godina, autorka: Tamara Stojanović, tekst i prilog objavljeni 27.12.2024. na portalu N1.

11 BCBP upozorava: Građani su žrtve nezakonitog prisluškivanja od strane države – Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku, saopštenje objavljeno 16.12.2024. na portalu BCBP.

12 Civilni sektor podneo krivičnu prijavu protiv N.N. lica u BIA i policiji zbog špijuniranja aktivista i novinara, tekst objavljen

13 Član 146 stav 2 KZ-a

14 Član 300 stav 1 i stav 2 KZ-a

15 Član 302 stav 1 KZ-a

16 SafeJournalists i MFRR: Hitna potreba za brzom i temeljnom istragom o upotrebi špijunskog softvera i strožim propisima u Srbiji, saopštenje objavljeno 18.12.2024. na portalu SafeJournalists.

17 Grupa evroposlanika uputila pismo vlastima u Srbiji: Prestanite sa upotrebom špijunskih softvera, autor: Nikola Radišić, tekst

18 Stalna radne grupa za bezbednost novinara održala poslednji redovan sastanak ove godine na kome je razmatrana bezbednost medijskih radnika, saopštenje objavljeno 20.12.2024. na portalu NUNS.

19 U izveštaju Ministarstva informisanja ni reči o špijuniranju novinara: Za ministra 2024. “apsolutno najuspešnija” godina, autorka: Tamara Stojanović, tekst i prilog objavljeni 27.12.2024. na portalu N1.

20 Predlog Zakona o registru agenata stranog uticaja: Represija protiv nevladinog sektora ili skretanje pažnje javnosti?, autorka: Ivana Nikoletić, tekst objavljen 6.12.2024. na portalu Cenzolovka.

21 Serbia: Draft law on foreign agents risks democratic and EU integration goals | EESC

22 Nekada strani plaćenici, sada strani agenti – Vulin predlaže zakon, autorka: Ljudmila Cvetković, tekst objavljen 4.12.2024. na portalu RSE.

23 Isto.

24 Isto.

25 EU-Western Balkans summit: the advancement of trusted, independent journalism must be prioritised in EU accession talks | RSF

26 UNS: Osnovni sud nenadležan po tužbi novinara Žig info zbog naknade štete za paljenje kuće, tekst objavljen 19.01.2022. na portalu dnevnog lista Danas.

27 Šest godina od spaljivanja kuće novinara: Proces za naknadu materijalne štete nije ni pokrenut, autor: Perica Gunjić, tekst objavljen 11.12.2024. na portalu Cenzolovka.

28 Isto.

29 Novinar Jovanović: Odlazak bivšeg predsednika Opštine Grocka u zatvor za mene Pirova pobeda (VIDEO), tekst objavljen 15.10.2024. na portalu Insajder televizije.

30 Oluja propagande, progonstvo istine, autorka: Tatjana Lazarević, tekst objavljen 9.12.2024. na portalu Bezbedni novinari.

31 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Pretnje smrću Slavko Ćuruvija fondaciji ne smeju proći nekažnjeno, saopštenje objavljeno 4.12.2024. na portalu NUNS.

32 UNS: Hitno pronaći i kazniti odgovornog za pretnju Slavko Ćuruvija Fondaciji, saopštenje objavljeno 4.12.2024. na portalu UNS.

33 https://x.com/CPJ_Eurasia/status/1864686412487909731

34 https://x.com/OSCE_Serbia/status/1864651018635543009

35 https://fom.coe.int/en/alerte/detail/107641873

36  https://seemo.org/ressources/09-12-2024-death-threat-against-slavko-curuvija-foundation/

37 Tužilaštvo za Insajder o “slučaju Vuka Cvijića”: MUP ni posle više od šest meseci ne dostavlja snimke video – nadzora, tekst objavljen 17.12.2024. na portalu Insajder televizije.

38 https://bazenuns.rs/srpski/detalji-napada-na-novinara/1627

39 Novinarki N1 otet telefon na FTN u Novom Sadu, među studentima i oni koji se protive blokadi, tekst objavljen 9.12.2024. na portalu N1.

40 Najoštrije osuđujemo napad na novinarku N1 Leu Apro, saopštenje objavljeno 9.12.2024. na portalu NUNS.

41 U Novom Sadu napadnuta novinarka Lea Apro, nadležni da kazne odgovorne, saopštenje objavljeno 9.12.2024. na portalu NDNV.

42 Kazniti odgovornog za otimanje telefona novinarki N1 Lei Apro, saopštenje objavljeno 9.12.2024. na portalu UNS.

43 Ispred Skupštine Vojvodine napadnuta novinarka N1, tekst objavljen 17.12.2024. na portalu N1.

44 Pretnje smrću i fizičkoj sigurnosti novinara, N1, Beograd, 27.12.2024. – SafeJournalists

45 Aktivista SNS-a vulgarno vređa srednjoškolce i preti linčom novinarima JUGpress-a zbog pisanja o njihovom protestu, tekst objavljen 26.12.2024. na portalu JugPress.

46 https://bazenuns.rs/srpski/detalji-napada-na-novinara/1631

47 Skupština Vojvodine da novinarima omogući izveštavanje sa sednica, saopštenje objavljeno 17.12.2024. na portalu UNS.

48 “Vi niste ništa drugo do lajavi pacer”: Umesto odgovara na postavljeno pitanje, gradonačelnik Bora izvređao dopisnika Danasa iz Zaječara, tekst objavljen 30.12.2024. na portalu dnevnog lista Danas.

49 Reporterka N1 Žaklina Tatalović dobila pretnje na društvenim mrežama, tekst objavljen 30.12.2024. na portalu N1.

50 Javno izvinjenje zbog pretnji Žaklini Tatalović: Hakovan mi je profil, to nije moj vokabular, tekst objavljen 30.12.2024. na portalu N1.

51 https://bazenuns.rs/srpski/detalji-napada-na-novinara/1630

52  https://safejournalists.net/sr/incident/ostale-pretnje-novinarima-zeljko-bodrozic-beograd-29-12-2024/

53 Direktor Crvene zvezde mora prestati da diskriminiše i targetira novinare, saopštenje objavljeno 28.12.2024. na portalu NUNS.

54 Da odgovaraju osobe koje su pretile smrću Iljiru Mireni, saopštenje objavljeno 19. 12. 2024. na portalu UNS.

55 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Ministar Dejan Ristić oktroisao izmene Zakona o javnim medijskim servisima, tekst objavljen 10.12.2024. na portalu Cenzolovka.

56 Strategija predviđa neophodnost stabilnog finansiranja, koje će se ostvarivati primarno preko taksi.

57 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Ministar Dejan Ristić oktroisao izmene Zakona o javnim medijskim servisima, tekst objavljen 10.12.2024. na portalu Cenzolovka.

58 ODRŽANI PRVI SASTANCI RADNIH GRUPA ZA IZRADU NACRTA ZAKONA O IZMENAMA I DOPUNAMA ZAKONA O JAVNOM INFORMISANjU I MEDIJIMA I NACRTA ZAKONA O IZMENAMA I DOPUNAMA ZAKONA O ELEKTRONSKIM MEDIJIMA, saopštenje objavljeno 5.12.2024. na portalu Ministarstva informisanja i telekomunikacija.

59 Isto.

60 Isto.

61 MIT da još jednom razmotri sastav Radne grupe za Zakon o javnom informisanju, saopštenje objavljeno 4.12.2024. na portalu UNS.

62 Koalicija za slobodu medija i ANEM: Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija prekinulo dobru praksu, saopštenje objavljeno 4.12.2024. na portalu Koalicije za slobodu medija.

63 NKEU: Predložene izmene Zakona o slobodnom pristupu informacijama od javnog značaja umanjuju dostignuti nivo prava i otvaraju prostor za dodatne zloupotrebe, tekst objavljen 7.12.2024. na portalu NUNS.

64 Stupio na snagu novi Kodeks novinara i novinarki Srbije, saopštenje objavljeno na portalu Saveta za štampu.

65 Isto.

66 Prigovor na listu kandidata i predlagača za izbor Saveta Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije, autor: Veran Matić, tekst objavljen 28.12.2024. na portalu Javni servis.

67 Srbija među zemljama u kojima je pokrenut značajan broj SLAPP tužbi, tekst objavljen 9.12.2024. na portalu UNS.

68 https://fom.coe.int/en/alerte/detail/107636917;globalSearch=true

Monitoring of the media scene is carried out with the aim of continuous monitoring of events and processes affecting the state of media freedom in the Republic of Serbia. The authors of the monitoring deal with: freedom of expression; monitoring the implementation of existing regulations; adopting of new regulations, also by amending and supplementing the current ones – from the field of media as well as from other areas directly or indirectly affecting the freedom of the media; and also by analyzing SLAPP lawsuits (strategic lawsuits against public participation) directed against journalists and media.

Publicly available data, data obtained from journalists, editors and other media workers, journalist associations and media associations, as well as state and non-state bodies are used for monitoring.

MONITORING OF THE MEDIA SCENE IN SERBIA FOR THE MONTH OF DECEMBER 2024

I FREEDOM OF SPEECH

Support for students fighting for democratic values in Serbia

Journalists and media associations gathered in the Coalition for Media Freedom and ANEM called on their colleagues to support the students who are protesting and fighting for democracy, justice and freedom of speech in Serbia.¹ The Coalition for Media Freedom has sent an invitation to the European media to inform their citizens about the fight for freedom that is being waged in Serbia.²

The Ministry of Information and Telecommunications condemned the statement of the Coalition for Media Freedom and stated that in this way the Coalition stepped out of the professional and ethical framework of the journalistic profession and openly got involved in political life in our country.³

The Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina (NDNV) and the Nezavisnost association, as a sign of full support for the demands of students, pupils and citizens, have suspended all contacts with the current regime. Those associations, until the student demands are met, will not participate in meetings, discussions, negotiations and agreements with representatives of the regime. Due to the “unprecedented attack on the Coalition for Media Freedom”, the dismissal of the Minister of Information and Telecommunications, Dejan Ristić, was also requested.⁴

***

In mid-December, the international organization Amnesty International published the report ’Digital Prison’ ーSurveillance and Repression of Civil Society in Serbia. It is said that this is a case study that aims to shed light on the way in which the Serbian authorities, using surveillance technology and digital repression tactics, exercise control and demonstrate force over civil society. The report presents exact evidence that members of the police and the state Security Intelligence Agency (BIA) created spyware (called NoviSpy in the report) that was installed on the smartphones of at least four activists, journalists and members of civil society. The hardware-software solution Cellebrite UFED (a highly sophisticated tool for digital forensics, developed by the Israeli company Cellebrite) was used to (maliciously) access protected computer systems. Members of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and BIA used to access mobile devices while members of civil society, journalists and activists stayed in their premises (as detained or invited for an informative interview). At the time of access to secure computer systems, telephone devices were out of reach of the person who owned them. The phones would first be forcefully unlocked using the Cellebrite UFED tool, then their data would be downloaded, and finally NoviSpy spyware would be installed on them. According to Amnesty International, NoviSpy has the ability to take screenshots and send them directly to the BIA server. Apart from taking screenshots, NoviSpy can provide access to location, microphone and camera.

Amnesty International’s report states:

The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which donated the Cellebrite UFED technology, and the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS), which managed procurement for the Norwegian government’s grant to Serbia’s Ministry of Interior, failed to conduct an adequate due diligence process to assess and mitigate for the potential risks of this technology to human rights or provide safeguards against its abuse. Given the weak regulatory environment for digital surveillance in Serbia, concerns about the independence of the judiciary, and persistent reports of threats to civil society and independent journalists, the Norwegian government and UNOPS had a responsibility to exercise oversight and due diligence when procuring highly invasive technology and handing it over to Serbian institutions. By failing to do so, they enabled and contributed to Serbia’s violations of people’s rights to privacy, freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly through unlawful digital surveillance. In a response to the details of the findings, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that the Ministry finds it “alarming that digital forensic tools, purchased through a project funded by Norway, may have been misused top target members of civil society in Serbia,” and added that, “if correct, [this] would be in clear violation of core principles of Norwegian development assistance, and the agreed purpose of the support to Serbian authorities at the time.” The Ministry added that UNOPS, which was responsible for all project activities, is expected to conduct a thorough investigation of the alleged misuse.

Amnesty International provides exact evidence that the journalist of the FAR portal from Dimitrovgrad, Slaviša Milanov (more about this case in the Monitoring of the media scene for March 2024), during his stay in the premises of the Ministry of Interior, had the spy software Novi Spy installed to his phone without his knowledge. Slaviša Milanov’s phone was intercepted without the legally prescribed procedure. Milanov was not informed of the intention to search his device, he was not given the legal basis for the search, he was not asked for the device’s code (nor did he provide it intentionally or unintentionally).⁵

Although Slaviša Milanov submitted a criminal complaint to the competent prosecutor’s office and a complaint to the Department of Internal Control of the Ministry of Internal Affairs regarding the said event, there was no reaction from the competent institutions. The Prosecutor’s Office has not (yet) contacted the journalist, and the internal control procedure has not even been initiated.⁶ In a letter from the Pirot Police Department, Milanov was informed that the police department had checked his allegations and found that it was not proven that the police officers, by taking official measures and actions, threatened his human rights and freedoms, but acted in accordance with the law and the Rulebook on Police authorizations.

The Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia (NUNS) appealed to the prosecutor’s office to determine responsibility for the misuse of digital forensic tools and monitoring of journalists and activists. In addition to the case of Slaviša Milanov, NUNS has focused its attention on the case of Ljubomir Stefanović, the author of the YouTube channel Slavija Info, about which case you can find more information in the Monitoring of the media scene for October 2024. According to the information available to NUNS, Ljubomir Stefanović used the Cellebrite tool, which is used to unlock the phone and download data from it, which opens up the possibility of installing NoviSpy software.⁷

The BIA also spoke out about Amnesty International’s report, claiming that the agency worked exclusively in accordance with the laws of the Republic of Serbia, and that they are not able to “even” comment on the “meaningless statements from their text”. The BIA statement further states:

Regarding the “report” of Amnesty International, published on 16/12/2024, the Security Information Agency can only state that the trivial sensationalism of its content indicates the purpose of Amnesty International, which is reflected in the work for the interests of certain agencies and pressure groups.⁸

The Ministry of Internal Affairs responded with a short statement:

In connection with Amnesty International’s report on the use of forensic tools, the Ministry of Internal Affairs informs the public that within the National Center for Criminal Forensics, Directorate of Technology, Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, forensic tools are used exclusively in accordance with the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Republic of Serbia.

We also note that the forensic tool is used in the same way in other police forces around the world, and that the statements in the Amnesty International report are absolutely incorrect.⁹

The Ministry of information believes that it is not competent to examine the allegations from the Amnesty International report. Despite the published data on the installation of spyware, Minister Dejan Ristić rated 2024 as the “most successful” and “record year”. Asked to evaluate the report, the minister said:

The Ministry of Information and Telecommunications is not the Ministry of Internal Affairs and is not the prosecutor’s office. In this sense, we cannot conduct investigations and determine whether some claims are based on facts or not. As in any democratic country, we leave that to the authorities that are responsible for it.¹⁰

Numerous domestic and international organizations stood up in defense of basic civil liberties. The Belgrade Center for Security Policy has asked the Serbian authorities to immediately stop illegal digital surveillance and investigate all cases of abuse, including the responsibility of individuals in state institutions. They asked the European Commission to seriously consider how the abuse of digital surveillance in Serbia affects the process of European integration. It was requested that the international community increase its support to civil society organizations, activists and journalists so that they can carry out their work without fear of surveillance and repression. Cellebrite, as well as other companies that produce digital surveillance tools, are required to cease cooperation with the Serbian authorities until a legal and transparent framework for the use of their products is established.¹¹

Eight days after the publication of the report, ten civil society organizations submitted a joint criminal complaint to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime against Unknown persons from the police and the BIA, due to the existence of grounds for suspicion that the activists’ and journalists’ phones were forcibly unlocked and then “infected with espionage software”,¹² committing criminal acts: Unauthorized collection of personal data,¹³ Creation and introduction of computer viruses,¹⁴ Unauthorized access to a protected computer, computer network and electronic data processing.¹⁵

SafeJournalists and MFRR demand a quick and thorough investigation into the use of spyware and the introduction of stricter regulations to regulate its use in Serbia.¹⁶

A group of EU Parliament MEPs sent a letter to the authorities in Serbia urging them to stop using spyware:

We, the undersigned members of the European Parliament, are extremely concerned and appalled by the findings of the Amnesty International report, which shows that Serbian security institutions systematically misused spying tools like NoviSpy and Pegasus, as well as forensic tools like Cellebrite, to illegally collect data from journalists’ devices, activists and citizens who peacefully express their disagreement with the authorities. These practices are a direct attack on fundamental freedoms, including the right to peaceful assembly, freedom of expression and the right to association.

In a situation where mass protests and civil unrest are taking place across Serbia following the tragedy in Novi Sad, it is crucial to ensure that digital repression and illegal surveillance cease immediately.

Citizens of Serbia deserve to live in a country that respects and protects basic rights and freedoms, and not to be exposed to illegal and arbitrary actions by their own police and security services.

As a candidate for EU membership, Serbia is absolutely expected to immediately stop using all spying tools and abusing foreign financial aid for these purposes.

Therefore, we strongly condemn this illegal surveillance and demand an urgent, transparent and independent investigation of these serious allegations, as well as the prosecution of the responsible persons within the Government of Serbia, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Security and Information Agency.

Finally, we call on all companies that provide digital surveillance tools to suspend cooperation with Serbia until a transparent and accountable policy is established.¹⁷

The members of the Permanent Working Group for the Safety of Journalists (PWG) paid special attention to the report of the Amnesty International organization, and announced that due to the seriousness of the allegations of unauthorized wiretapping, surveillance and monitoring of individual journalists, they will closely monitor everything and take additional measures with the aim of determining whether some of the criminal acts were committed to the detriment of journalists and whether the legally prescribed procedures were followed.¹⁸

***

At the press conference held in December, the Ministry of Information and Telecommunications announced that, compared to last year, during 2024 there was a decrease in the number of attacks and pressures on journalists. Data from NUNS show that the number of physical attacks on journalists has increased, and that more physical attacks were recorded in the last two months than in the first 10 months of the current year. And the number of threats on social networks has also increased.¹⁹

***

MPs from the Movement of Socialists, Bojan Torbica and Đorđe Komlenski, submitted to the National Assembly the Proposal for the Law on a Special Register of Agents of Foreign Influence. As proposed, the idea is to establish a special Register of non-profit organizations established in the Republic of Serbia. As the draft law foresees, organizations that are mainly financed by foreign entities or are assisted by foreign entities in some other way, due to their political influence, action and performance of other political activities — can be designated (in compliance with the provisions of the law) as “agents of foreign influence”.

In the explanation of the proposal, it is stated that the law will enable the citizens of Serbia to clearly “notice and find out”, who is from abroad and how much is paid by “various associations, i.e. non- profit organizations”. The goal is to provide insight into “according to whose programs and directives” non-profit organizations “work and what is most important, to which foreign governments and organizations they are accountable.” The proponents explicitly state that “betrayal of one’s own country and people cannot be a highly profitable activity, from which a part of Serbian citizens earns extremely high financial income.”

The domestic professional public reminds that this is not the first time that the mentioned initiative has been launched. They evaluate the bill as pressure on people who criticize the actions of the government, with the desire to divert the attention of civil society from hot topics.²⁰

The European Economic and Social Committee expressed deep concern about the proposed law:

This draft law represents a serious and direct threat to civil society organizations, jeopardizing their role in preserving democratic values, human rights and European integration. We call on Serbian legislators to consider the implications of the proposed draft law and avoid actions that could harm civil society and hinder Serbia’s progress on the European path.²¹

In the response that the spokesperson of the State Department sent to Radio Free Europe (RSE) regarding the said proposal, it is stated that the United States is deeply concerned about the implications that the proposed law could have on democracy, human rights and basic freedoms:²²

Such a law could narrow the space for civil society action, stigmatize civil society organizations that work to improve the lives of Serbian citizens, and hinder the work of independent media that provide accurate information to the public.²³

The European Commission told RSE:

We remind you that any law of a candidate country for EU membership must be in line with the basic democratic values of the EU, including freedom of speech and expression.²⁴

***

Before the holding of the EU – Western Balkans Summit in Brussels (it is the first high-level meeting between the members of the new European Commission and the heads of state of the Balkans), the international organization Reporters Without Borders (RSF) pointed to the summit as an important opportunity to create new political momentum and set ambitious goals for media freedom. RSF called on the European Union and member states to require candidate countries to commit to improving their laws in order to foster a free, independent and pluralistic media landscape in the Western Balkans region. According to RSF’s World Media Freedom Index for 2024, media freedom has worsened in all six countries of the Western Balkans, while Serbia and Albania in the EU-Balkan zone have the worst results. Regardless of the fact that they are ranked better, in other countries of the region, media freedom is still fragile.²⁵

Pressures and attacks

The case of burning the house of Milan Jovanović

Although six years have passed since the burning of Milan Jovanović’s house, the procedure for compensation for the material damage suffered by Milan Jovanović and his wife has not progressed far. Three years ago, the Second Basic Court in Belgrade declared itself incompetent to act because it turned out that the amount of the claimed damages exceeds the limit in which the basic court acts.²⁶ The defendants filed an appeal against the court’s decision. The court has not yet made a decision on that issue. In the procedure for non-material damage compensation, the first hearing was held on December 27, 2024.²⁷

Dragoljub Simonović and Igor Novaković are currently serving their prison sentences. An international warrant has been issued for Aleksandar Marinković, who set fire to the house of Milan Jovanović. For now, he is not located.²⁸ Vladimir Mihailović is waiting for the decision of the High Court regarding the appeal he filed against the decision denying him a suspension of his prison sentence.²⁹

More about the final verdict in that case in the Monitoring of the media scene in Serbia for April 2024.

The case of deprivation of liberty of Dušan Milanović, owner of the publisher of the Kosovo online portal

Dušan Milanović, who was detained by the police for 48 hours at the end of November, was released to defend himself.³⁰ Milanović is charged with the crime of terrorism for allegedly managing the Telegram group “Corridor”.

Threats addressed to the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation

At the beginning of December, a threatening message was sent to the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation from the Facebook account of a person signed as Dušan Milisavljević: “AND WHY ARE YOU FROM ĆURUVIJA WORRIED, WATCH OUT, THERE WILL BE MORE EASTERS, THEY WILL TURN TO GOLD”

(translation note: journalist Slavko Ćuruvija was assassinated on Easter 1999). The Foundation submitted a report to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime.

Domestic journalistic associations reacted – the Coalition for Media Freedom³¹ and the Association of Journalists of Serbia (UNS)³² demanded the immediate identification and prosecution of the person who sent the threat. The appeal was also sent by the international organizations Committee for the Protection of Journalists for Europe and Central Asia,³³ the OSCE Office in Serbia,³⁴ the Council of Europe Office for Media Freedom³⁵ and the Media Organization of Southeast Europe.³⁶

Although the competent prosecutor’s office was provided with information about the profile from which the threatening message was sent, the person whose profile published the threat was not heard because, according to the information received from the police, they are waiting for identity confirmation from Facebook.

The case of the attack on Radar journalist Vuk Cvijić – still no progress

Not even six months after Vuk Cvijić reported that one of the co-owners of the publishers of the pro- government tabloids Srpski telegraf and Republika.rs Milan Lađević physically attacked him in the center of Belgrade – the prosecution did not receive footage from the video surveillance cameras from the police. The Insider editorial team sent questions related to the case to the prosecutor’s office. The prosecutor’s office directed the journalists to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which has not responded to this day.³⁷

Attacks on journalists and correspondents of Television N1

In the NUNS database of attacks on journalists, a case of physical attack on journalist Dušan Mlađenović was recorded. According to reports, the same person previously “severely harassed” and “physically attacked” Mlađenović and his family, which the journalist reported to the competent authorities. With the support of ANEM and NUNS, Mlađenović reported the specific case first by phone, and then in person, by going to the Vračar police station in Belgrade.³⁸

In the first half of December, correspondent from Novi Sad Lea Apro’s mobile phone was stolen while reporting from the blockade of the Faculty of Technical Sciences in Novi Sad. According to the information published by TV N1, the students in the blockade drew the attention of the female journalists to the young man who was filming them, who, according to them, does not support the blockades. The journalist asked the young man why he was filming her. He covered his face and shortly after snatched her phone. According to reports, he gave the phone to another young man, then there was a short push, after which the phone was returned to the journalist.³⁹ NUNS,⁴⁰ NDNV⁴¹ and UNS⁴² in their statements condemned the attack on the journalist and demanded immediate prosecution of those responsible in that case.

Sanja Kosović, a correspondent from Novi Sad, was also attacked. At the protest in front of the Assembly of AP Vojvodina, an unknown man twice hit the microphone that the journalist was holding in her hands.⁴³

Threatening comments addressed to the editorial staff of the media Radar, TV N1 and the Regional Information Agency JUGpress

In mid-December, the editorial staff of the weekly Radar reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime disturbing messages sent to them in the form of comments: “ashes soon”, “see you”.

According to the journalists, this is not the first time they have received comments of similar content from the same sender. Earlier, the following words came to their address: “vultures are on their way to eternal hunting grounds”, “soon there will be no more vermin and vultures”, “de.th to vultures… See you…”, then again “see you”, “ashes left behind all of you SOON”. Some of those comments were reported to the competent authorities.

At the end of December, a threatening message was left on the Facebook page of the TV N1 newsroom: “I can’t wait to fuck your Western fascist mother.” The comment was reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime.⁴⁴

The editorial staff of JugPress reported to the authorities the threatening messages that were left in the comments on the their Facebook account, under the post about Leskovac high school students paying tribute to the victims of the fall of the canopy in Novi Sad.⁴⁵ After the report was submitted, the disputed comment was removed. Based on the photos and messages he uploads on his Facebook profile, it can be concluded that the person who sent the threatening message is a sympathizer of the ruling party.

Threats addressed to TV Nova S journalist Isidora Kovačević

In the NUNS database of attacks on journalists, a threat addressed to the journalist Isidora Kovačević was recorded.⁴⁶ Through the Facebook social network, a message was sent to her: “…and you are all traitors to the wonderful country of Serbia.” You are all Turks, and can you trust a Turk? You can only trust a dead Turk to some extent…”. The threat was reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime.

In December 2021, due to the coverage of the protest organized as a sign of opposition to the announced mining of lithium by the company Rio Tinto, “wanted cards” with the image of the journalist Isidora Kovačević were pasted in Šabac. More about this in the Monitoring of the media

The media are unable to follow the session of the Assembly of AP Vojvodina

In the second half of December, the UNS issued a statement in which it protested the impossibility of journalists, videographers and photojournalists to cover the session of the Assembly of AP Vojvodina. The journalist of the Radio 021 portal from Novi Sad, Dragana Prica Kovačević, said in a statement for UNS that the media was allowed to record only the first 15 minutes of the session, even though important decisions were made during it, such as the decision on the adoption of the budget. As the journalist said, only videographers and photojournalists were allowed to enter. She managed to get in, because she records and takes photos for the Radio 021 portal. After 15 minutes from the start of the session, the photojournalists and videographers were ordered to leave the hall. After they objected, they were physically pushed out. For some time they could not leave the Assembly building because the door was locked.⁴⁷

The inappropriate words keep coming

The mayor of Bor, Aleksandar Milikić, addressed Miljko Stojanović, correspondent of the daily newspaper Danas from Zaječar, with inappropriate words (“You are nothing but a barking pacer who thinks he will gain popularity with stupid texts”). According to this media, the mayor’s inappropriate words were a reaction to the text “Zaječar’s opposition ‘hijacked’ the forum of progressives in a village near Zaječar” and to a journalist’s question: Why does the mayor of Bor visit the villages that belong to the municipality of Zaječar and hold forums with the residents of those villages?⁴⁸

TV N1 journalist Žaklina Tatalović on social network X published a message sent to her by the president of the Youth Philharmonic in Niš: “Zaklina, you are one of the worst traitorous pieces of shit, Fu*k your mother traitor, You should have done this to Kim Jong Un, so that you can see how you would have a good time, You traitorous scum and mercenary scum, You will answer sooner or later”.⁴⁹ After publishing the message, the journalist received a public apology in which the sender of the message referred to the fact that his profile had been hacked.⁵⁰

In the NUNS database of cases of attacks on journalists,⁵¹ a message addressed to Željko Bodrožić, the president of the NUNS, was recorded. The message reached him through the NUNS Facebook account. The message reads: “When will the quasi-independent Association of Journalists of Serbia distance itself from the public appearances of an ape-like individual who presents himself as well as responds to Zeljko Bodrozić?” As was the impression in the Impression of the Week. The previous black-and-white rat in the position of KNUNS leader went to God for confession and I couldn’t help but cry when I heard…”. NUNS, as stated in the database of the SafeJournalists network,⁵² will report that case to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime as hate speech.

In December, NUNS issued a statement in support of journalist Nikola Stamenić and the editorial staff of Sportklub and condemned the behavior of the general manager of Red Star Football Club Zvezdan Terzić, who allegedly insulted and belittled Stamenić and other journalists and media (Sportklub, Nova S, Danasa, Radar and the Direktno portal).⁵³

UNS with its branch in Kosovo condemned the threats addressed to the director of the Pristina portal Periscope Iljiro Mirena. According to UNS, a comment was published on the Facebook account of the Nacional portal: “This man deserves a bullet.” The comment was sent from Visar Kabashi’s account, and it referred to Iljir Mireni.⁵⁴

II  MONITORING OF THE PROCESS OF ADOPTION OF NEW LAWS

Law on Public Media Services

In the first half of December, the Coalition for Media Freedom published a statement in which it pointed out that, two months after writing the Draft Law on Public Media Services, “the Government once again made nonsense of the process of amending media laws.” The coalition announced that Minister Dejan Ristić “imposed” the draft law, so that the work on the drafting of the Draft law was, to the surprise of the members of the Working Group, interrupted before it was actually finished. The coalition underlined the fact that the draft goes beyond the scope of what the Working Group was working on and as such is in conflict with the Media Strategy.⁵⁵

The key objections to the draft of the law are the following – first, although it is a basic guideline of the Media Strategy and a key item for achieving the independence of public media services, the draft law does not foresee any changes in the way of their financing.⁵⁶ The working group proposed several models, all of which were rejected. Second, in the draft of the law, RTS and RTV remain institutions with state capital, which renders the institutional autonomy of public media services meaningless. Thirdly, the role of the Commissioner for the Protection of the Rights of Listeners, Viewers and Readers (the introduction of that institution is foreseen in the Media Strategy), due to the way in which he is elected and dismissed (by the General Director), has been reduced to an administrative worker, without essential independence in its work.⁵⁷

Law on Public Information and Media and Law on Electronic Media

At the beginning of December, the first meetings of the Working Group for drafting the Draft Law on Amendments to the Law on Public Information and Media, as well as the Working Group for drafting the Draft Law on Amendments to the Law on Electronic Media, were held.⁵⁸

The working groups were supposed to prepare working versions of the Draft Law on Amendments and Amendments to both laws, and to submit them to the Ministry of Information and Telecommunications no later than the end of 2024. After that, the relevant ministry should call for a public debate.⁵⁹

Two days before the first meeting of the working groups for the drafting of these laws, UNS, reacting to the official notification that there are no representatives of the NUNS, NDNV and ANEM in the Working Group for the Drafting of the Public Information Law, and that representatives of the Association of Journalists of Vojvodina (DNV) and the Professional Association of Journalists of Serbia (PROUNS), which are not recognized in the media community as organizations that advocate for the protection of journalists and freedom of speech and information, will work in it, requested from the Minister to change the decision on the composition of working groups.⁶⁰

Reacting to this, the Ministry of Information and Telecommunications decided to amend the Decision on the formation of the Working Group for the drafting of the Draft Law on Amendments and Supplements to the law. NUNS is also included in the Working Group. UNS welcomed the decision, stating that the Ministry should have ensured that ANEM, Media Association and NDNV participate in the Working Group, since those organizations participated in writing the Media Strategy, the Action Plan for its implementation and the latest version of media laws.⁶¹

Both the Coalition for Media Freedom and ANEM asked the Minister why there was no place in the Working Group for the Drafting of the Public Information Law Draft for organizations that participated in the drafting of media laws and other documents. The response of the Ministry was that they decided to “extend the responsibility for the work on the drafting of amendments and additions to the legal regulations to other associations that have not participated in it so far”, bearing in mind that in Serbia, in the field of public information, has 76 professional associations. The Coalition for Media Freedom pointed out that “the number of registered associations is not and can never be an indicator of their pluralism, activity or expertise”, and reminded that the previous practice was for all member organizations of the Coalition for Media Freedom to delegate their members to all working groups that refer to the drafting of media legislation, the Public Information

Strategy and the accompanying Action Plan. This practice is not without basis, given that all organizations have so far proven that they are credible partners who contribute significantly to the process of adopting key regulations in the field of public information.⁶²

Law on Free Access to Information of Public Importance

During the public debate on the Draft Law on Free Access to Information of Public Importance, the National Convention on the European Union warned that the proposed changes reduce the achieved level of rights and open space for additional abuses.

Although the changes to the law were approached with the aim of solving the problems of mass abuse of rights by malicious information seekers and lawyers, civil society organizations gathered in the Coalition for Freedom of Access to Information and the National Convention on the European Union believe that the proposals from the Draft of this law reduce the achieved level of public rights to be informed, thus leaving room for authorities to excessively restrict rights. A group of civil society organizations, including Transparency Serbia, Partners Serbia, Committee of Lawyers for Human Rights (YUKOM), Civic Initiatives, CRTA and the Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia, has developed a set of alternative proposals⁶³ that can contribute to the solution of the problems caused by the abuse of the right to access to information of public importance.

The new Code of Journalists of Serbia

At the end of December, the new Code of Journalists of Serbia entered into force. According to the new Code, the Complaints Commission of the Press Council will act starting from January 2025.

Key changes relate to: respect for dignity, artificial intelligence and social networks, independence of journalists, privacy and personal data, introduction of gender-sensitive language and digital challenges.⁶⁴

A new chapter “Respect for dignity” was introduced into the Code. Also included are provisions governing the right to be forgotten, the use of artificial intelligence and the use of content from social networks, as well as provisions providing for editorial control (therefore responsibility) for content created using AI. It is the media’s duty to label content created using said tools. In the chapter dealing with the issue of independence of journalists, independence from corporate interests is highlighted. The chapter on respect for privacy has been significantly improved. When it comes to comments, the novelty of mandatory notification of whether pre-moderation or post-moderation is used has been introduced. Also, provisions on gender-sensitive language have their place in the code.⁶⁵

III  IMPLEMENTATION OF EXISTING LAWS

The deadline for applying to the Public Call for Nominating Candidates for the Election of Regulatory Body for Electronic Media (REM) Council Members expired on December 16, 2024.

At the meeting held on December 20, the Parliamentary Committee for Culture and Information adopted the list of candidates and proposers for the election of the REM Council. Candidates whose documents were found to have deficiencies were given a deadline of December 27 to eliminate the deficiencies.

ANEM sent an objection to the list of candidates and proposers on 27^th December, 2024 and requested that the entire documentation submitted by the proposers and candidates for the REM Council be published on the Parliamentary website. ⁶⁶

The final list of candidates was determined by the Parliamentary committee on December 30, 2024.

Project co-financing

The Ministry of Information and Telecommunications drafted amendments to the Rulebook on co- financing of projects for the realization of public interest in the field of public information, with associated forms. Pointing to certain illogicalities contained in the published documents (which concern, among other things, the formation of the candidate base, as well as lack of information regarding access to the Unified Information System), ANEM sent a letter to the line Minister asking him to clarify the observed illogicalities.

IV  SLAPP LAWSUITS DIRECTED AGAINST JOURNALISTS AND THE MEDIA

The Coalition Against SLAPP in Europe (CASE) and the Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation released a report that showed 166 SLAPP lawsuits were filed in 2023. Serbia is one of the countries where a significant number of such procedures have been initiated.⁶⁷

Predrag Koluvija filed a third lawsuit against the journalist of the research portal KRIK. The lawsuit was filed against the editor, the journalist and the association that is the founder of the KRIK portal, and with it – due to the alleged violation of the dignity of the person by publishing the text “Operation ‘Zepelin’: Koluvija was suspected of producing marijuana even before ‘Jovanjica'”” – compensation for non-material damages is requested in the amount of 100,000.00 rsd.

One of the lawsuits filed by Predrag Koluvija against the editor-in-chief and publisher of the KRIK portal was assessed by the Platform of the Council of Europe for promoting the protection of journalism and the safety of journalists as “an act that has a terrifying effect on media freedom.”⁶⁸ More about the previous procedures in the Monitoring of the media scene in Serbia for June 2024.

This publication is produced with the assistance of the European Union and the Ministry of Information and Telecommunications of Serbia. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of Association of the Independent Electronic Media and may in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union and the Ministry of Information and Telecommunication.

The monitoring report was prepared by ANEM’s expert monitoring team from the “Živković & Samardžić” law office, and the entire report can be found at this link.

1 Novinarska i medijska udruženja: Studenti nam sada čast iz osnovnih postulata novinarstva, article published on December 17, 2024 at Cenzolovka portal.

2 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Poziv evropskim medijima da izveštavaju o borbi za slobodu građana Srbije, announcement publishe on the Coalition portal.

3 Ministarstvo osuđuje političko delovanje Koalicije za slobodu medija, announcement published on December 19, 2024 at the Ministry of information and telecommunication portal.

4 NDNV i Nezavisnost: Solidarišemo se sa studentima i obustavljamo sve kontakte sa režimom, zahtevamo ostavku ministra  informisanja, announcement published on December 21, 2024 at NDNV portal.

5 A Digital Prison: Surveillance and the suppression of civil society in Serbia: Executive Summary – Amnesty International

6 Državni nadzor: Novinaru tajno instaliran špijunski softver u telefon tokom ispitivanja u policijskoj stanici, author: Vesna Radojević, article published on December 16, 2024 at Raskrikavanje portal.

7 Pozivamo tužilaštvo da utvrdi ko je odgovoran za zloupotrebu digitalnih forenzičkih alata i praćenje novinara i aktivista, announcement published on December 17, 2024 at NUNS portal.

8 Saopštenje BIA 16.12.2024. godine | Bezbednosno-informativna agencija

9 MUP: Navodi Amnestijevog izveštaja su netačni, forenzički alat koristimo u skladu sa zakonom, author: Milica Ljubičić, article published on December 16, 2024 at Raskrikavanje portal.

10 U izveštaju Ministarstva informisanja ni reči o špijuniranju novinara: Za ministra 2024. “apsolutno najuspešnija” godina, author: Tamara Stojanović, article published on December 27, 2024 at N1 portal.

11 BCBP upozorava: Građani su žrtve nezakonitog prisluškivanja od strane države – Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku, announcement published on December 16, 2024 at BCBP portal.

12 Civilni sektor podneo krivičnu prijavu protiv N.N. lica u BIA i policiji zbog špijuniranja aktivista i novinara, article published on December 24, 2024 at NUNS portal, sources: N1, Beta.

13 Article 146 paragraph 2 of the Criminal Code

14 Article 300 paragraph 1 and paragraph 2 of the Criminal Code

15 Article 302 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Code

16 SafeJournalists i MFRR: Hitna potreba za brzom i temeljnom istragom o upotrebi špijunskog softvera i strožim propisima u Srbiji, announcement published on December 18, 2024 at SafeJournalists portal. Tamara Stojanović, article published on December 27, 2024 at N1 portal.

17 Grupa evroposlanika uputila pismo vlastima u Srbiji: Prestanite sa upotrebom špijunskih softvera, author: Nikola Radišić, article published on December 18, 2024 at N1 portal.

18 Stalna radne grupa za bezbednost novinara održala poslednji redovan sastanak ove godine na kome je razmatrana bezbednost medijskih radnika, announcement published on December 20, 2024 at NUNS portal.

19 U izveštaju Ministarstva informisanja ni reči o špijuniranju novinara: Za ministra 2024. “apsolutno najuspešnija” godina, author:

20 Predlog Zakona o registru agenata stranog uticaja: Represija protiv nevladinog sektora ili skretanje pažnje javnosti?, author: Ivana Nikoletić, article published on December 6, 2024 at Cenzolovka portal.

21 Serbia: Draft law on foreign agents risks democratic and EU integration goals | EESC

22 Nekada strani plaćenici, sada strani agenti – Vulin predlaže zakon, author: Ljudmila Cvetković, article published on December 4, 2024 at RSE portal.

23 Ibid.

24 Ibid.

25 EU-Western Balkans summit: the advancement of trusted, independent journalism must be prioritised in EU accession talks | RSF

26 UNS: Osnovni sud nenadležan po tužbi novinara Žig info zbog naknade štete za paljenje kuće, article published on January 19, 2022 at Danas portal.

27 Šest godina od spaljivanja kuće novinara: Proces za naknadu materijalne štete nije ni pokrenut, author: Perica Gunjić, article published on December 11, 2024 at Cenzolovka portal.

28 Isto.

29 Novinar Jovanović: Odlazak bivšeg predsednika Opštine Grocka u zatvor za mene Pirova pobeda (VIDEO), article published on October 15, 2024 at Insajder portalu.

30 Oluja propagande, progonstvo istine, author: Tatjana Lazarević, article published on December 9, 2024 at Bezbedni novinari portal.

31 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Pretnje smrću Slavko Ćuruvija fondaciji ne smeju proći nekažnjeno, announcement published on December 4, 2024 at NUNS portal.

32 UNS: Hitno pronaći i kazniti odgovornog za pretnju Slavko Ćuruvija Fondaciji, announcement published on December 4, 2024 at UNS portal.

33 https://x.com/CPJ_Eurasia/status/1864686412487909731

34 https://x.com/OSCE_Serbia/status/1864651018635543009

35 https://fom.coe.int/en/alerte/detail/107641873

36  https://seemo.org/ressources/09-12-2024-death-threat-against-slavko-curuvija-foundation/

37 Tužilaštvo za Insajder o “slučaju Vuka Cvijića”: MUP ni posle više od šest meseci ne dostavlja snimke video – nadzora, article published on December 17, 2024 at Insajder portal.

38 https://bazenuns.rs/srpski/detalji-napada-na-novinara/1627

39 Novinarki N1 otet telefon na FTN u Novom Sadu, među studentima i oni koji se protive blokadi, article published on December 9, 2024 at N1 portal.

40 Najoštrije osuđujemo napad na novinarku N1 Leu Apro, announcement published on December 9, 2024 at NUNS portal.

41 U Novom Sadu napadnuta novinarka Lea Apro, nadležni da kazne odgovorne, announcement published on December 9, 2024 at NDNV portal.

42 Kazniti odgovornog za otimanje telefona novinarki N1 Lei Apro, announcement published on December 9, 2024 at UNS portal.

43 Ispred Skupštine Vojvodine napadnuta novinarka N1, article published on December 17, 2024 at N1 portal.

44 Pretnje smrću i fizičkoj sigurnosti novinara, N1, Beograd, 27.12.2024. – SafeJournalists

45 Aktivista SNS-a vulgarno vređa srednjoškolce i preti linčom novinarima JUGpress-a zbog pisanja o njihovom protestu, article published on December 26, 2024 at JugPress portal.

46 https://bazenuns.rs/srpski/detalji-napada-na-novinara/1631 scene in Serbia for October 2024.

47 Skupština Vojvodine da novinarima omogući izveštavanje sa sednica, announcement published on December 17, 2024 at UNS portal.

48 “Vi niste ništa drugo do lajavi pacer”: Umesto odgovara na postavljeno pitanje, gradonačelnik Bora izvređao dopisnika Danasa iz Zaječara, article published on December 30, 2024 at Danas portal.

49 Reporterka N1 Žaklina Tatalović dobila pretnje na društvenim mrežama, article published on December 30, 2024 at N1 portal.

50 Javno izvinjenje zbog pretnji Žaklini Tatalović: Hakovan mi je profil, to nije moj vokabular, article published on December 30, 2024 at N1 portal.

51 https://bazenuns.rs/srpski/detalji-napada-na-novinara/1630

52  https://safejournalists.net/sr/incident/ostale-pretnje-novinarima-zeljko-bodrozic-beograd-29-12-2024/

53 Direktor Crvene zvezde mora prestati da diskriminiše i targetira novinare, announcement published on December 28, 2024 at NUNS portal.

54 Da odgovaraju osobe koje su pretile smrću Iljiru Mireni, announcement published on December 19, 2024 at UNS portal.

55 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Ministar Dejan Ristić oktroisao izmene Zakona o javnim medijskim servisima, article published on December 10, 2024 at Cenzolovka portal.

56 The Strategy foresees the necessity of stable financing, which will be achieved primarily through taxes.

57 Koalicija za slobodu medija: Ministar Dejan Ristić oktroisao izmene Zakona o javnim medijskim servisima, article published on December 10, 2024 at Cenzolovka portal.

58 ODRŽANI PRVI SASTANCI RADNIH GRUPA ZA IZRADU NACRTA ZAKONA O IZMENAMA I DOPUNAMA ZAKONA O JAVNOM INFORMISANjU I MEDIJIMA I NACRTA ZAKONA O IZMENAMA I DOPUNAMA ZAKONA O ELEKTRONSKIM MEDIJIMA, announcement published on December 5, 2024 at the Ministry of information and telecommunication portal.

59 Ibid.

60 Ibid.

61 MIT da još jednom razmotri sastav Radne grupe za Zakon o javnom informisanju, announcement published on December 4, 2024 at UNS portal.

62 Koalicija za slobodu medija i ANEM: Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija prekinulo dobru praksu, announcement published on December 4, 2024 at Coalition portal.

63 NKEU: Predložene izmene Zakona o slobodnom pristupu informacijama od javnog značaja umanjuju dostignuti nivo prava i otvaraju prostor za dodatne zloupotrebe, article published on December 7, 2024 at NUNS portal.

64 Stupio na snagu novi Kodeks novinara i novinarki Srbije, announcement published on the Serbian Press Council portal.

65 Ibid.

66 Prigovor na listu kandidata i predlagača za izbor Saveta Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije, author: Veran Matić, article published on December 28, 2024 at Javni servis portal.

67 Srbija među zemljama u kojima je pokrenut značajan broj SLAPP tužbi, article published on December 9, 2024 at UNS portal.

68 https://fom.coe.int/en/alerte/detail/107636917;globalSearch=true