Medijska scena Srbije u januaru 2025.

I SLOBODA IZRAŽAVANJA

Izuzeće etike u izveštavanju o studentskim protestima i odnos prema novinarima nakon pružene podrške   

U okviru nepotpisanog teksta u dnevnim novinama Novosti, objavljene su fotografije pasoša braće Lazara i Luke Stojakovića, učesnika studentskih protesta u Srbiji. Već u naslovu spornog teksta insinuira se da proteste organizuju i vode Hrvati, dok je objavljivanje fotografija pasoša koji dokazuju da braća Stojaković imaju i hrvatsko državljanstvo trebalo da posluži kao dokaz za tu tvrdnju. Sa istim ciljem, u tekstu se prikrivaju ćirilični potpisi braće Stojaković i podatak o tome da su srpske nacionalne pripadnosti, a da su hrvatski pasoš dobili na osnovu mesta rođenja svog oca u Krajini (u Srbiju je izbegao 1995. godine, tokom akcije Oluja)1. Tekst je prenet u tabloidnim provladinim medijima, koji su, uz podršku najviših državnih funkcionera uključujući i predsednika Republike Srbije, pre objavljivanja spornog teksta već razvijali narativ da su studentske blokade posledica stranog – hrvatskog uticaja.

Punomoćnik braće Stojaković, advokat Ahmed Delimeđac, najavio je podnošenje krivične prijave protiv medija i zatražio hitnu reakciju Zaštitnika građana Zorana Pašalića2.

Domaća stručna javnost podvukla je da se (neovlašćenim) objavljivanjem ličnih podataka ugrožava sigurnost pojedinaca i krši čitav korpus propisa – od Krivičnog zakonika3 do Kodeksa novinara i novinarki Srbije.

Poverenik za zaštitu informacija od javnog značaja Milan Marinović najavio je da će preduzeti mere iz svoje nadležnosti, i ogradio se rekavši da u slučajevima kada se podaci obrađuju u svrhu javnog informisanja, nadležnost nema on, već je imaju drugi organi: Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija ili REM, ukoliko je reč o elektronskim medijima4. S druge strane, Zaštitnik građana Zoran Pašalić smatra da konkretnim slučajem treba da se bavi upravo Poverenik za zaštitu podataka o ličnosti5.

Nevladine organizacije koje čine platformu „Tri slobode“ zatražile su od predstavnika vlasti da hitno prestanu sa targetiranjem studenata, srednjoškolaca, profesora i drugih građana i građanki koji zahtevaju odgovornost za smrt 15 osoba u Novom Sadu. Apel je upućen predstavncima vlasti i Radio televiziji Srbije.

U saopštenju se navodi:

Nedeljama unazad svedočili smo nasilničkom ponašanju pojedinih vozača koji su prolazili kroz okupljene građane i građanke na blokadama, bez ikakvih informacijaotomedalijeikozbogtogaodgovarao. Danassmovidelinajozbiljniji napad takvog tipa koji je doveo do teških telesnih povreda devojke [Sonje Ponjavić]. Iako je vozač ubrzo nakon događaja identifikovan i priveden, ovaj slučaj samo je rezultat kampanje koju predstavnici režima vode protiv studenata i studentkinja. Od objavljivanja njihovih ličnih dokumenata u medijima koji su bliski režimu, preko javnog targetiranja i diskreditacije ciljeva i motiva studentskih protesta i blokada od strane funkcionera i funkcionerki SNS-a, do fizičkih napada na studente i studentkinje poput napada koji se desio na Pravnom fakultetu u Beogradu kada je lakše povređeno njih sedmoro, nasilje kojima su izloženi mladi ljudi je nedopustivo i nadležni organi moraju da pokažu nultu toleranciju prema njemu. Za širenje ovakve atmosfere odgovorni su i prorežimski mediji koji targetiraju svakoga ko podržava studente i proteste, ali i RTS koji u svojim informativnim emisijama predstavlja studente i studentkinje kao plaćenike, a glumce koji ih podržavaju kao teroriste6.

Udrugoj polovini januara, provladin tabloid Informer objavio je fotografiju jednog od studenata bez njegove saglasnosti i ispisao malicioznu poruku: „ʼStudentʼ afričkog porekla na protestu ispred RTS. Sad se i stranci bave srpskim Ustavom?!“.7

Targetirani student oglasio se tim povodom:

Poštovanje građani Srbije, kako ste vi? Zovem se Ibrahim i želim da vam se obratim povodom situacije koja me je zadesila nakon što sam učestvovao u studentskim protestima. U Beogradu mi je bilo važno da podržim naše zajedničke ciljeve i vrijednosti, međutim, sinoć je novina, mislim da se zove Informer, bezmogpristanka, objavilamojufotografijusaprotesta, kojasesadadijelina svim mrežama, uz informacije o meni koje nisu tačne. 8

U saopštenju koje su objavili, studenti u blokadi pružili su podršku svom kolegi.9 Prorežimski mediji ni nakon toga nisu prestali sa javnim prozivanjem studenata u blokadi. Još jednom od njih otkriven je identitet (ime i prezime i mesto stanovanja). U izjavi za TV N1 student je rekao da je njegovo ime na TV Informer izgovorio urednik tog medija, nakon čega je počeo da dobija mnoštvo pretećih poruka.

Poruke     su     prijavljene     nadležnim     organima.10 Na osnovu podatka objavljenog u drugoj polovini januara, prorežimski tabloidi

tokom tog meseca morali su da uklone više od 100 tekstova. Do toga je došlo nakon što su inostrane kompanije na čijim se serverima nalaze sajtovi tabloida obaveštene o sadržaju tekstova — o tome da su u njima objavljene fotografije dokumenata studenata, njihovi lični podaci, podaci o njihovom navodnom zdravstvenom stanju i slično. 11

Nekadašnji urednici i saradnici Studenta, glasila studenata Beogradskog univerziteta, dali su punu podršku svojim mladim kolegama koji „na ulicama i fakultetima širom Srbije drže javni čas tražeći istinu, pravdu i odgovornost“. 12

***

Društvo psihologa Srbije najoštrije je osudilo targetiranje studenata u blokadi i navelo da je reč o etički i zakonski nedopustivom činu. Rečeno je da se

„iznošenjem bilo tačnih bilo netačnih podataka o mentalnom statusu studenta“ jasno cilja na „diskreditovanje konkretne osobe“. 13

Sa ciljem da se osoba zaštiti od diskreditacije, Viši sud u Beogradu u prvom stepenu usvojio je privremenu meru u delu u kome se glavnom uredniku portala Informer zabranjuje ponovno objavljivanje informacija o psihičkom i fizičkom zdravlju aktivistkinje Mile Pajić: informacije o psihijatrijskim i konzilijarnim mišljenjima lekara o njenom psihičkom stanju, njenoj hospitalizaciji, psihičkoj nestabilnosti. Iz istog razloga, glavnom uredniku internet portala Informer zabranjuje se kvalifikovanje Mile Pajić kao „antisrpkinje“, kao nekog ko daje „antisrpske izjave“, „proslavlja akciju Oluja“ i u emotivnoj je vezi sa svojim profesorom Dinkom Gruhonjićem.14

Prestanak radnog angažmana u medijima nakon pružanja podrške studentima u blokadi     

Udruženje za ohrabrivanje i razvoj građanki i građana OsnaŽene obavestilo je javnost da prekida saradnju sa magazinom ELLE Srbija zbog toga što je Tari Đukić, urednici web sajta tog lista, otkazan radni angažman nakon što je pružila podršku studentskim protestima. Izdavač ELLE Srbija demantovao je navode rečima da je odluka o otkazivanju angažmana usledila nakon spovedene redovne šestomesečne evaluacije uredničkih timova, koja je pokazala da je u radu urednice zabeležen znatan pad poslovnih parametara.15

Evropska federacija novinara i njene članice u Srbiji potvrdile su da je novinarka bila kritikovana zbog članka o studentskim protestima, iako je isti odobrio glavni urednik. U obaveštenju koje su objavili stoji da nikada nije bilo reči o tome da novinarka loše obavlja svoj posao, naprotiv, novinarki je, kao priznanje za uspešan novinarski rad, uvećana zarada.

Evropska federacija novinara, UNS, NUNS i UGS Nezavisnost pružile su podršku novinarki i najavile da će menadžmentu izdavača časopisa Elle uputiti pismo u kom će ih upoznati sa informacijama kojima raspolažu. 16

Novinarka dnevnog lista Večernje novosti Vojislava Crnjanski Spasojević obavestila je javnost da joj je prekinut radni angažman nakon što je na svom Instagram profilu objavila fotografiju sa protesta organizovanog ispred Ustavnog suda Srbije. Desetak dana pre nego što će joj biti saopšteno da je „usled tehnoloških, ekonomskih i organizacionih promena kod poslodavca prestala potreba za [njenim] obavljanjem posla“, novinarka se na mreži Instagram ogradila od objavljivanja ličnih dokumenata studenata Lazara i Luke Stojakovića na portalu Novosti. U rešenju piše da je poslodavac sproveo detaljnu analizu njenog radnog učinka i zaključio da je ostvarila najmanje rezultate rada iako, prema novinarkinim rečima, menadžment kompanije za sud o njenom radu i o potrebama redakcije nije konsultovao ni njene urednike ni urednički kolegijum. Novinarka je dodala da nije bila upozorena da postoje problemi u vezi sa njenim radom. Podsetila je na to da je dobitnica nagrade „Novinar godine“, i više nagrada Kolegijuma za pojedinačne tekstove (poslednju nagradu dobila je u decembru 2024. godine).17 NUNS je od dnevnog lista Večernje novosti zatražio komentar, međutim, odgovor nije dobijen. 18

Novinarka Vojislava Crnjanski Spasojević nije jedina novinarka kojoj je radni angažman prestao u mediju Novosti. I njena koleginica je, smatra Sindikat novinara i medijskih radnika Srbije SO Novosti (SINOS), otkaz dobila zato što nekoliko dana ranije na društvenim mrežama objavila svoju fotografiju sa studentskih i građanskih protesta. SINOS je zauzeo stanovište da ime koleginice neće objaviti kako bi se izbegli pritisci kojima bi ona i njeni roditelji mogli biti izloženi. I o tom kao i o prethodnom slučaju, SINOS će obavestiti Ministarstvo informisanja i telekomunikacija i Međunarodnu federaciju novinara (IFJ) – naveli su u saopštenju.

Relevantna medijska i novinarska udruženja pružila su podršku svojim koleginicama.19

Otvoreno pismo novinara RTS-a Milana Srdića i zahtev Sindikata radnika produkcije i tehnike zaposlenih u RTS-u upućeni glavnom uredniku informativnog programa Nenadu Lj. Stefanoviću

Novinar RTS-a Milan Srdić uputio je otvoreno pismo Nenadu Lj. Stefanoviću, glavnom uredniku informativnog programa javnog medijskog servisa. Razlog za javno obraćanje svom kolegi putem društvene mreže Facebook novinar je bazirao na nezadovoljstvu načinom na koji medijskakuća u kojoj radiakoja je javni medijski servis građana – izveštava o protestima studenata čiji se glas čuje i u njihovim prostorijama: „Da li vaš stomak reaguje kada čujete buku 55.000 ljudi ispred vaše kuće?“, pitao se novinar u otvorenom pismu. 20

Zbog neadekvatnog izveštavanja o studentskim protestima i nemogućnosti da se glas studenata čuje na RTS-u, zahtev glavnom uredniku informativnog programa uputio je i Sindikat radnika produkcije i tehnike zaposlenih na RTS-u.21

Eksperti za bezbednost u kompaniji Google potvrdili nalaze izveštaja „’Digitalni zatvor’ ~Nadzor i represija civilnog društva u Srbiji”                                                              

Jelena Sesar, istraživačica za Balkan i Evropsku uniju u okviru organizacije Amnesty International, za portal Cenzolovka izjavila je da su eksperti za bezbednost u kompaniji Google potvrdili nalaze iz analize koju je Amnesty International objavio 16.12.2024. godine. (Više o analizi u Monitoringu medijske scene Srbije za decembar 2024. godine.)

Eksperti za bezbednost u kompaniji Google identifikovali su dodatni značajan broj kompromitovanih uređaja i iz njih uklonili špijunski softver.22

Jelena Sesar potvrdila je da organizacija Amnesty International nije u kontaktu sa nadležnim tužilaštvom. Istakla je važnost toga da institucije poput Zaštitnika građana i Poverenika za zaštitu podataka o ličnosti po službenoj dužnosti pokrenu postupak kontrole i utvrde da li je došlo do nezakonitog postupanja na štetu građana.23

Kompanija Cellebrite obratila se organizaciji Amnesty International pismom u kom je izrazila zabrinutost zbog objavljenog izveštaja. Obavezali su se na to da će istražiti nalaze izveštaja, te ukoliko se pokaže da su u Srbiji postojale zloupotrebealata Cellebrite, biće spremni da suspenduju ili oduzmu licence svim agencijama koje su u zloupotrebu bile uključene. 24

Prema rečima Jelene Sesar, Ministarstvo spoljnih poslova Norveška takođe je izrazilo veliku zabrinutost zbog saznanja do kojih je organizacija Amnesty International došla. Amnesty International ima saznanje da su norveške vlasti i Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova obavili nekoliko razgovora, kao i da je Vlada Norveške tražila od UNOPS-a u Srbiji da istraži moguću zloupotrebu (UNOPS je bio zadužen da za potrebe MUP-a Srbije obavi nabavku za koju su korišćena sredstva norveške donacije).25

Monitoring izveštaj ANEM-a za januar 2025. godine o slobodi izražavanja, starim i novim propisima i analizom SLAPP tužbi

Početak 2025. godine obeležilo je odsustvo etike u izveštavanju provladinih medija o studentskim protestima. Tema ovomesečnog monitoringa jesu najeklatantniji primeri takvog izveštavanja, ali i oni drugi, pozitivni primeri koji su rezultirali negativnim posledicama.

U monitoringu se prate efekti analize „’Digitalni zatvor’ ー Nadzor i represija civilnog društva u Srbiji”, koju je objavio Amnesty International 16.12.2024. godine. Eksperti za bezbednost u kompaniji Google potvrdili su nalaze iz analize i identifikovali dodatan značajan broj kompromitovanih uređaja iz kojih su uklonili špijunski softver.

Ni u januaru medijski radnici nisu bili pošteđeni pretnji i pritisaka. Medijska udruženja i asocijacije tim povodm izrazile su duboku zabrinutost. Pretnje su bile upućene Brankici Stanković, glavnoj i odgovornoj urednici Insajder TV, Radmilu Markoviću, novinaru redakcija BIRN i Vreme, Slavko Ćuruvija fondaciji, novinarima nedeljnika Radar i portala Glas Šumadije, redakciji portala Magločistač, Marku Vidojkoviću i Nenadu Kulačinu, autorima podkasta Dobar, loš, zao. Pripadnici žandarmerije grubo su se odnosili prema snimatelju i novinarki TV N1 Draganu Vukeliću i Kseniji Pavkov. Intervencijama pripadnika policije i žandarmerije ispred Gradske kuće u Novom Sadu bili su izloženi Dragana Prica, novinarka Radija 021, Ksenija Pavkov, novinarka TV N1, Aleksandar Latas, novinar lista Danas, Darko Eker, snimatelj TV Nova S, i novinar Žarko Bogosavljević. Nepoznati muškarac uznemiravao je Anu Mariju Ivković, urednicu i novinarku portala Alternativa. Zorana Kesića, novinara i televizijskog voditelja, targetirali su brojnim grafitima kojima su išarali objekte širom Beograda.

Tema monitoringa bili su i ishod procesa za izbore članova Saveta REM-a, kao i nedostaci Pravilnika o načinu uspostavljanja i sadržini Jedinstvenog informacionog sistema za sprovođenje i praćenje sufinansiranja projekata u oblasti javnog informisanja (JIS).

Pretnje i pritisci

U prvoj nedelji nove godine Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS) izrazilo je duboku zabrinutost zbog učestalih pretnji novinarima i narušavanja etičkih standarda u medijima.26

Pretnje upućene glavnoj i odgovornoj urednici Insajder TV Brankici Stanković

Povodom najave emisije o Zvezdanu Terziću, generalnom direktoru FK Crvena zvezda, novinarki Brankici Stanković putem društvene mreže X upućena su dva zabrinjavajuća komentara. Sa naloga omega@m4Pk0 poslata joj je poruka:

„Beee devet dvaaa, policijska emisijaaaa, lagaće vas tog četvrtkaaa“, a sa naloga Nikola @Dzoni_Todor: „Lagaće vas tog četvtka BRANKICA KURVETINA“.

U maju 2022. godine, na košarkaškoj utakmici klubova Partizan i Budućnost, održanoj u hali Pionir, huligani su uzvikivali iste parole. Još 2009. godine Brankica Stanković bila je targetirana zbog istraživačkog serijala „Nemoć države“, emitovanog na Televiziji B92. Tema serijala bila je delovanje navijačkih grupa različitih klubova. Opasnost kojoj je bila izložena uslovila je to da ovoj istraživačkoj novinarki bude dodeljeno dvadesetčetvoročasovno policijsko obezbeđenje, koje je u narednih 7 godina bilo deo svakodnevnog života Brankice Stanković.

Sredinom decembra iste godine, na utakmici fudbalskih klubova Partizan i Šahtjor, grupa huligana skandirala je sa tribina: „Opasna si kao zmija, proći ćeš ko Ćuruvija, kurvo Brankice”. Mahali su lutkom na naduvavanje koja je trebalo da predstavlja novinarku. Lutku su bacali, šutirali je, nabadali na šipku. Zbog tog događaja Miloš Radosavljević Kimi, jedan od vođa navijačke grupe kluba Partizan pod imenom Alkatraz, pravosnažno je osuđen na 16 meseci zatvora (deset meseci zbog krivičnog dela Ugrožavanje sigurnosti, a šest zbog izvršenog krivičnog dela Nasilničko ponašanje). Vođa navijačke grupe Šedous Goran Klještan i pripadnik te grupe Aleksandar Perišić kažnjeni su uslovnom kaznom u trajanju od 10 meseci zatvora, uz period proveravanja u trajanju od četiri godine. Milan Gudurić osuđen je na uslovnu kaznu zatvora u trajanju od godinu dana, uz rok proveravanja u trajanju od pet godina.27 Sva trojica osuđena su zbog ugrožavanja sigurnosti novinarke.

Putem direktne poruke na društvenoj mreži X, po drugi put do sada, Radmilu Markoviću upućene su uznemirujuće poruke. Sa naloga @Viktor063162296 poručeno mu je: „… Je**m te u usta pogana. Pošto se je**š u dupe probaj malo i usta. Pitaj mamicu kako je to tako je jadna omanula i eto sad imamo grešku prirode”,

„Zini da ti kažem ko je vrhovni komandant lojalista. Saznaćeš kad dođe vreme pseto autonomaško komunoustaško“. Uznemirujuće poruke Marković je primio i u aprilu 2024. godine.

Preteće poruke upućene Slavko Ćuruvija fondaciji

Putem društvene mreže Facebook, početkom decembra, Slavko Ćuruvija fondaciji upućena je preteća poruka: „A ZAŠTO TO VAS IZ ĆURUVIJE BRINE PAZITE IMA JOŠ USKRSA POZLATILE SE RUKE“. (Više u Monitoringu medijske scene za mesec decembar2024.godine.) Mesecdanakasnije, saistogprofila, upućenesunoveuznemirujuće poruke: „Ruke se pozlatile onom što je zveknuo Ćuruviju“. Pretnje su hitno prijavljene Posebnom tužilaštvu za Visokotehnološki kriminal.28

Uznemiravanje urednice i novinarke portala Alternativa Ana Marije Ivković

Novinarka Ana Marija Ivković prijavila je uznemiravanje kojem je bila izložena na šetalištu u severnom delu Kosovske Mitrovice. Nepoznati muškarac, kako je rekla, obratio joj se na engleskom jeziku pitanjem da li je Srpkinja ili Albanka. Nakon toga od nje je zatražio ličnu kartu. Pošto je odbila da mu da lična dokumenta, pitala ga je da li je policajac. Odgovorivši joj odrično, nastavio je da je prati. U tom je bio uporan. Odustao je tek nakon što je novinarka izvukla mobilni telefon da ga snimi.29

Ana Marija Ivković slučaj je prijavila Kosovskoj policiji, koja je zauzela stav da nema elemenata za postupanje, ali ju je i obavestila da će raditi na otkrivanju identiteta muškarca koji ju je pratio.30

Pretnje upućene novinarima nedeljnika Radar i portala Glas Šumadije

Redakcija nedeljnika Radar prijavila je preteće komentare koje sa iste IP adrese dobija kontinuirano, gotovo svakog meseca.

Sa Facebook profila Han Stjenice, putem aplikacije Messinger, redakciji portala Glas Šumadije upućene su preteće poruke, koje su oni, preko NUNS-a, hitno prijavili nadležnom tužilaštvu.31

Objavljivanje ličnih podataka novinara portala Telegram.hr Mateja Devčića

U programu TV Informer Vojislav Šešelj objavio je lične podatke (kao i adresu hotela u kom je odseo) novinara portala Telegram.hr Mateja Devčića, uz tvrdnje da je pomenuti novinar aktivan kao jedan od stranih „trenera” vođa protesta. Mreža SafeJournalists osudila je manipulacije koje srpskavlast, počevši od samog vrha, koriste protiv novinara i studenata tokom protesta u Srbiji.

Targetiranje Zorana Kesića, novinara, televizijskog voditelja i komičara

Početkom januara Veran Matić, član Stalne radne grupe za bezbednost novinara i predsednik upravnog odbora Asocijacije nezavisnih elektronskih medija, podneo je krivičnu i prekršajnu prijavu zbog mnoštva grafita (napisanih u kratkom roku) u kojima se targetira novinar Zoran Kesić. U prijavi je navedeno da je podnosilac izbrojao najmanje 200 grafita samo na potezu od Slavije do Kalemegdana u Beogradu. Grafiti su ispisani na brojnim mestima u opštinama Vračar, Stari Grad i Novi Beograd, i različitih su formata: od manjih, šablonskih do većih koji se protežu na nekoliko kvadratnih metara. Ispisani su, između ostalog, na zgradi Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti, Andrićevoj zadužbini, zgradi Protokola, na zgradi Jugoslovenskog dramskog pozorišta, na obe strane Terazijskog tunela, ispred mesta gde živi Zoran Kesić, kao i ispred kuće njegovih roditelja.

U prijavi se ukazuje na to da je delo očigledno izvršeno u grupi jer je u kratkom roku, na više lokacija, napisan veliki broj grafita.

Poruka grafita je sledeća: „1.11.2024. Zoran Kesić, Show must go on!“ Porukom se aludira na Kesićev nastup održan u Sarajevu, 1. novembra prošle godine, kad je izgovorio: „Show must go on za nas koji ostajemo, žalimo za žrtvama ali i insistiramo na odgovornosti“.

Prve grafite uočene 26.12.2024. godine, Kesić je sam prijavio policiji. Prijava ANEM-a usledila je zbog toga što nadležni organi nisu preduzeli ni jednu „vidljivu“ akciju kako bi se sprečilo „uništavanje imovine“, „ruženje grada“ i uznemiravanje Zorana Kesića, njegove porodice, tima saradnika, kao i drugih novinara i medijskih radnika.

Iz policije je saopšteno da se „radi na identifikaciji“ lica koja su učestvovala u akciji ispisivanja grafita. Dve nedelje nakon što je ANEM podneo krivičnu prijavu, Kesić je dobio poziv da se javi u nadležno tužilaštvo.32 U izjavi za Danas, resorno ministarstvo iznelo je stav da se saržaj grafita ne smatra pretnjom, niti pritiskom, te da njihova reakcija u konkretnom slučaju nije potrebna.33

Udruženje građana Krokodil organizovalo je akciju uklanjanja grafita, međutim, preko prekrečenih grafita osvanuli su novi. Zoran Kesić nastavio je da obaveštava tužilaštvo o dokazima, ali do trenutka pisanja ovog izveštaja ni jedno lice nije identifikovano niti je procesuirano.

Novinarska i medijska udruženja osudila su targetiranje Zorana Kesića i zatražilahitnureakcijunadležnihinstitucija.34 ANEMjepozvaograđanedaseisami uključe u akciju uklanjanja grafita i prijavljivanja lica koja zateknu da ih ispisuju.35

Pretnje upućene redakciji portala Magločistač

Putem Facebook aplikacije Messenger, sa naloga Ika Mijatov, redakciji portala Magločistač upućene su pretnje smrću: „je**mo vam familiju pobit ćemo vas“. Poruka je odmah prijavljena Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal u Beogradu. Članice redakcije obaveštene su da je slučaj uzet u rad.36

Srednji prst Ministra finansija

Nakon što je ministar finansija Siniša Mali ustao da plati račun u jednom restoranu, gosti su počeli da mu uzvikuju: „Živeli studenti!“ Gostima su se u uzvikivanju pridružili zaposleni u restoranu. Odgovor ministra bilo je pokazivanje srednjeg prsta. Prisutna novinarka Danica Ilić prišla je ministru, predstavila mu se, rekla da je novinarka i da u tom svojstvu od njega traži izjavu. Prema njenim rečima, Siniša Mali joj je iz ruku istrgao telefon i izašao iz restorana. Novinarka je krenula za njim, a ispred restorana ministar je pitao zašto ga snima. Novinarka ga je podsetila na činjenicu da je javni funkcioner na javnom mestu i da ona kao novinarka sme da mu postavi pitanje šta misli o svom neprimerenom gestu. Dok su hodali ulicom, ministar je prema novinarkinim rečima, nosio njen telefon. Pošto se okončala kratka rasprava o tome šta je javna funkcija, a šta novinarski posao, Siniša Mali je telefon spustio u žardinjeru.37

Preteće nalepnice „Sudba novinara“

U prvoj polovini januara u Novom Sadu, pojavile su se nalepnice na kojima je, ispod kostura sa omčom, bilo ispisano: „Sudba novinara“. Nalepnice je potpisao tzv. Zentrop (u opisu svog Instagram profila za sebe kažu da su „zajednica srpskih revolucionarnih nacionalista“. Pre godinu dana u Beogradu su održali skup posvećen Milanu Nediću, generalu iz doba Drugog svetskog rata i načelniku Generalštaba kraljevske Jugoslavenske vojske).38

Prema pisanju portal Nova.rs, nalepnice su mahom bile lepljene na saobrać jnim znacima i na semaforima.

Slučaj Jelene Spasić, novinarke dnevnog lista Kurir

Zbog pretećih poruka upućenih novinarki Jeleni S. Spasić krajem septembra 2024. godine, dvojici muškaraca određeno je zadržavanje u trajanju od 48 sati. Jednom od njih, ranije osuđivanom za ubistvo, određen je kućni pritvor. Krajem januara to lice prekršilo je meru zabrane napuštanja boravišta, i organi gonjenja nisu mogli da ga lociraju. Reč je o trećem slučaju kršenja mere zabrane napuštanja boravišta zabeleženom tokom proteklih godinu dana.

Novinarka je tek nakon nekoliko nedelja slučajno saznala, dok je bila na zimovanju sa maloletnom decom, da je opasna osoba na slobodi, da bi 10. februara obaveštena da je lice locirano i smešteno u pritvor na 30 dana.39

UNS je zatražio hitnu procenu bezbednosti novinarke.40

Više o slučaju u Monitoringu medijske scene u Srbiji za septembar i oktobar 2024. godine.

Nenadu Kulačinu i Marku Vidojkoviću ostavljene su pretnje u komentarima ispod YouTube snimka epizode njihovog podkasta. Poručeno im je da će „biti obrijani na suvo da bi bolje cvilili“. U drugim komentaru rečeno je da ih treba ubaciti „u mašinu za mlevenje mesa i od njih napraviti sapun“. Pretnje su prijavljene Posebnom tužilaštvu za visokotehnološki kriminal. Pre podnošenja prijave, drugi komentar bio je uklonjen.

Relevantna novinarska udruženja, medijske organizacije i asocijacije oštro su osudile pretnje i od nadležnih institucija zahtevale brzu reakciju.41 42 43

Dinko Gruhonjić, vanredniprofesorna Filozofskomfakultetuu Novom Sadu, novinar i programski direktor Nezavisnog društva novinara Vojvodine (NDNV), uputio je dopis državnom vrhu Hrvatske i zatražio zaštitu za svog sina koji radi i studira u Zagrebu. Gruhonjić je dopis uputio zbog toga što je ambasadorka Republike Srbije u Hrvatskoj objavila post na društvenoj mreži Facebook u kom su, prema Gruhonjićevim rečima, iznete neistine o njegovom sinu. Te informacije dalje su nastavile da budu objavljivane u provladinim tabloidima.44

Grubost pripadnika žandarmerije prema ekipi TV N1 – snimatelju Draganu Vukeliću i novinarki Kseniji Pavkov

Novinarku TV N1 Kseniju Pavkov i snimatelja Dragana Vukelića žandarmerija je fizički onemogućavala da izveštavaju o akciji razbijanja blokade u naselju Rumenka kod Novog Sada. Prema rečima Ksenije Pavkov, pripadnik interventne policije je uhvatio snimatelja za ruku i gurnuo ga.

Grube intervencije pripadnika policije i žandarmerije ispred Gradske kuće  u Novom Sadu         

Iako su se više puta legitimisale kao novinarke, Draganu Prica, novinarku Radija 021, i Kseniju Pavkov, novinarku TV N1, pripadnici policije i žandarmerije vukli su i gurali, novinaru lista Danas Aleksandru Latasu pretili su da će ga „vezati“, snimatelja TV Nova S Darka Ekera vukli su za ranac u kom mu se nalazila televizijska oprema, novinara Žarka Bogosavljevića oborili su na zemlju – sve to dok su izveštavali sa blokade Gradske kuće u Novom Sadu, navedeno je u saopštenu NDNV-a.45

Privatno obezbeđenje sprečilo novinare da izveštavaju iz Skupštine grada Valjeva        

Iako su bili uredno pozvani na događaj, privatno obezbeđenje onemogućilo je novinarima da u Skupštini grada Valjeva izveštavaju sa konferencije za novinare odborničke grupe Svanuće. Snimatelj televizije Valjevo plus u jednom trenutku bio je i odgurnut. Nakon insistiranja odbornika opozicije, novinari su ušli u skupštinu. Tim povodom reagovala su novinarska udruženja,46 a slučaj je zabeležen u bazi mreže Safejournalists.47

Na uručenje IT opreme Matici srpskoj pozvani samo odabrani mediji

Udruženje novinara Srbije protestovalo je zato što je Vlada Republike Srbije uručila IT opremu Matici srpskoj u prisustvu samo određenih medija. Na događaju su bili prisutni premijer Srbije Miloš Vučević i ministar informisanja i telekomunikacija Dejan Ristić. Prema UNS-ovim saznanjima, bili su pozvani novinari javnih servisa i medija NS uživo, Novosadska televizija i novinari agencije Tanjug. UNS se za pojašnjenje obratio Kancelariji za saradnju sa medijima Vlade Republike Srbije, međutim odgovor nisu dobili. Od njih su zatražili da poziv za događaje važne za javno informisanje upućuju svim medijima.48

Godišnjice ubistava novinara na Kosovu

Jedanaestog januara navršilo se dvadeset šest godina od ubistva Envera Maljokua, novinara, pisca i šefa Kosovskog informativnog centra (KIC). Maljoku je ubijen u popodnevnim satima, nekoliko metara od stana u kom je živeo, u prizemlju zgrade u Sunčevom bregu. Preminuo je ubrzo, u bolnici u Prištini. Do danas njegove ubice nisu identifikovane.49

II IMPLEMENTACIJA POSTOJEĆIH PROPISA

Regulatorno telo za elektronske medije

Usaglašavanje predlagača kandidata za članove REM-a obavljeno je 20. januara, u prostorijama Narodne skupštine. Postupak je za rezultat imao listu na kojoj se našlo 18 kandidata, raspoređenih u devet kategorija. Usled nepoštovanja Zakona o elektronskim medijima, sporni predlagači i kandidati umesto da budu eliminisani, dobili su potvrdu kandidature. Nakon usaglašavanja, formirana je lista predloženih kandidata.

Javno slušanje usaglašenih kandidata održano je 23. januara, pred Odborom za kulturu i informisanje. Kandidati Dušan Aleksić, Aleksandra Krstić i Saša Mirković tom prilikom su od skupštinskog Odbora za kulturu i informisanje tražili da se „poništi proces izbora za članove Saveta REM u sedam od devet kategorija“.50 Pet dana kasnije, sedam od osamnaest kandidata koji su ušli u uži krug (Saša Mirković, Rodoljub Šabić, Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, Aleksandra Krstić, Dušan Aleksić, Željko Hubač i Muhedin Fijuljanin) povukli su kandidature, čime je Skupština Srbije onemogućena da zakonito izabere Savet regulatora. S tim u vezi, „u dve od devet grupa predlagača neće biti nijednog kandidata, dok će u tri biti samo po jedan, tako da u samo četiri kategorije poslanici mogu da biraju između dva kandidata“. 51

Ishod procesa nije iznenađujući imajući u vidu da je ANEMjoš krajem decembra zvaničnim prigovorom ukazao na nezakonitosti u procesu izbora za Savet REM.52 Na nezakonitosti su javno ukazale Građanske inicijative,53 udruženja građana, novinara i asocijacije medija,54 Nacionalni konvent o Evropskoj uniji,55 Fakultet dramskih umetnosti56 i mnogi pojedinci.

Imajući u vidu brojna kršenja Zakona o elektronskim medijima, jasno je da proces za izbor članova Saveta REM, koji se do sad vodio, treba obustaviti i započeti novi.

Projektno sufinansiranje

Prvog januara na snagu je stupio Pravilnik o načinu uspostavljanja i sadržini Jedinstvenog informacionog sistema za sprovođenje i praćenje sufinansiranja projekata u oblasti javnog informisanja (JIS).

Predstavnici novinarskih i medijskih udruženja izneli su primedbe na određena rešenja koja pravilnik propisuje.57 ANEM je u decembru, kad je pravilnik donet, od ministarstva zatražio da im se pojasne uočene nepravilnosti i nelogičnosti, međutim odgovor je i ovog puta izostao.58

Na zvaničnoj internet prezentaciji Ministarstva aktivan je onlajn portal Jedinstvenog informacionog sistema. Puštanje platforme u upotrebu odvijalo se u dve faze. U prvoj fazi obveznici unosa podataka i dokumenta, organi koji raspisuju konkurse, kao i učesnici konkursa imenovali su jedno ili više ovlašćenih lica koja će u ime i za račun obveznika vršiti poslove unosa podataka i dokumenata na veb portal JIS-a. Iako je Ministarstvo dalo rok od 15 dana za prijavu na JIS, rok je skraćen s obzirom na to da je JSI počeo da funkcioniše dva dana kasnije nego što je to bilo najavljeno. Druga faza obezbeđivala je funkcionalnost u pogledu objavljivanja konkursa, kao i mogućnost prijave medijskih projekata na konkurs za sufinansiranje.59

Na portalu su se mogli uočiti brojni propusti (slovne greške, nedostatak tona u tutorijalima, loša softverska rešenja, nejasna uputstva i sl.). Najveći propust ogle- dao se u menjanju kriterijuma pošto je proces već započet tokom trajanja rokova. Korisnici su tako bili uslovljeni da naknadno dostavljaju dokumentaciju i dokaze koji im inicijalno nisu bili traženi.

III NOVINE U BORBI PROTIV SLAPP TUŽBI (STRATEŠKIH TUŽBI PROTIV UČEŠĆA JAVNOSTI)

Organizacija Human Rights Watch zabeležila je porast broja SLAPP tužbi u Srbiji. Uočava se da je najveći broj tužbi usmeren protiv medija, s ciljem da se na njih izvrši pritisak kako se ne bi bavili određenim temama. U izveštaju se apostrofira KRIK koji je obznanio da je protiv njih podnet veliki broj SLAPP tužbi (do sep- tembra ukupno 14).60

Jelena Tanasković, nekadašnja ministarka, direktorka Infrastruktura železnice Srbije i jedna od optuženih u slučaju pada nadstrešnice u Novom Sadu, podnela je tokom januara, iz kućnog pritvora, dve tužbe protiv glavnog urednika, novinarki portala KRIK i udruženja koje je osnivač rečenog medija. Prva tužba podneta je zbog istraživačkog teksta „Tanasković se nije našla pod istragom za finansijski kriminal zahvaljujući suprugu njene prijateljice, načelniku policije Cmoliću“, u kom se novinarka bavi (ne)postupanjem nadležnih institucija povodom krivične prijave61 koju je protiv Tanaskovićke podnelo privredno društvo u kom je ona neka- da bila direktorka.

Drugu tužbu bivša ministarka podnela je zbog teksta u kom je novinarka obavestila čitaoce da je Jelena Tanasković protiv njih zbog gorenavedenog teksta pod- nela tužbu.

U svakoj od tužbi bivša minitarka traži iznos od po 1.000.000 dinara na ime naknade nematerijalne štete zbog povrede časti i ugleda.

Urednik portala KRIK Stevan Dojčinović ocenio je podizanje tužbi na sledeći način: „Ovaj potez jasno pokazuje da Tanasković vodi SLAPP postupke protiv nas, odnosno da želi da nas zatrpa tužbama kako bismo prestali da pišemo o njoj”.62

Ova publikacija objavljena je uz finansijsku pomoć Evropske unije, Norveške i Balkanskog fonda za demokratiju, projekta Nemačkog Maršalovog fonda SAD. Za njegovu sadržinu isključivo je odgovorna Asocijacija nezavisnih elektronskih medija i ta sadržina nužno ne izražava zvanične stavove Evropske unije, vlade Norveške, Nemačkog Maršalovog fonda i Balkanskog fonda za demokratiju.

Ovaj Monitoring izveštaj uradio je stručni monitoring tim iz advokatske kancelarije „Savović”, u saradnji sa ANEM-om.

MEDIA SCENE OF SERBIA IN JANUARY 2025.

INTRODUCTION

The monitoring of the media scene is conducted to continuously track events and processes affecting media freedom in the Republic of Serbia. This monitoring focuses on freedom of expression; monitoring the implementation of existing regulations; the adoption of new regulations, as well as amendments to current ones, both in the media field and other areas that directly or indirectly impact media freedom; and the analysis of lawsuits considered by experts to be SLAPP suits (strategic lawsuits against public participation) targeting journalists and media outlets.

Publicly available data, information obtained from journalists, editors, and other media professionals, journalistic associations, and media organizations, as well as from governmental and nongovernmental bodies, are used for monitoring.

Ethics Exemption in Reporting on Student Protests and Attitudes Toward Journalists After Their Support

An unsigned article in the daily newspaper Novosti published passport photos of brothers Lazar and Luka Stojaković, participants in student protests in Serbia. The article’s title insinuates that the protests are organized and led by Croats. The publication of passport photos, proving that the Stojaković brothers also hold Croatian citizenship, was meant to support this claim. The article omits the Cyrillic signatures of the Stojaković brothers and the fact that they are of Serbian nationality, having obtained Croatian passports due to their father’s birthplace in Krajina (he fled to Serbia in 1995 during Operation Storm).1 The article was further spread by pro-government tabloids, with support from top state officials, including the President of Serbia, who had already been promoting the narrative that the student blockades were a result of foreign (Croatian) influence.

The brothers’ legal representative, attorney Ahmed Delimeđac, announced plans to file criminal charges against the media outlets and urged an immediate response from the Commissioner for the Protection of Citizens, Zoran Pašalić.2

Domestic experts pointed out that the (unauthorized) publication of personal data endangers individual security and violates numerous regulations, including the Criminal Code3 and the Code of Journalists of Serbia.

The Commissioner for Information of Public Importance and Personal Data Protection, Milan Marinović, stated that he would take appropriate measures within his jurisdiction but clarified that in cases where data processing serves public information purposes, responsibility falls to other regulatory bodies, such as the Ministry of Information and Telecommunications or the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media (REM).4 In contrast, Commissioner Pašalić argued that the case should indeed be handled by the Data Protection Commissioner.5

Nongovernmental organizations within the “Three Freedoms” platform demanded that government representatives immediately cease targeting students, high school students, professors, and other citizens demanding accountability for the deaths of 15 individuals in Novi Sad. Their appeal was also directed at the national broadcaster, Radio Television of Serbia (RTS).

The appeal was as follows:

“For weeks now, we have witnessed aggressive behavior from certain drivers who have driven through crowds of gathered citizens during blockades, without any information on whether anyone has been held accountable for such actions. Today, we saw the most serious attack of this kind, which resulted in severe bodily injuries to a young woman [Sonja Ponjavić]. Although the driver was identified and detained shortly after the incident, this case is merely a consequence of the campaign that regime representatives are waging against students. From the publication of students’ personal documents in regimeaffiliated media, to public targeting and discrediting of the goals and motives of student protests and blockades by SNS officials, to physical attacks on students—such as the one at the Faculty of Law in Belgrade, where seven students were injured—the violence young people are being subjected to is unacceptable, and the relevant authorities must demonstrate zero tolerance toward it. The responsibility for fostering this atmosphere also lies with proregime media, which target anyone who supports students and protests, as well as RTS, which, in its news programs, portrays students as paid agitators and the actors who support them as terrorists.”6

In the second half of January, the progovernment tabloid Informer published a photograph of a student without his consent, accompanied by a derogatory caption: “’Student’ of African origin at a protest in front of RTS. Now even foreigners are dealing with the Serbian Constitution?!”7

The targeted student responded:

“Dear citizens of Serbia, how are you? My name is Ibrahim, and I want to address you regarding the situation that has affected me after participating in student protests. I was in Belgrade to support our shared goals and values. However, last night, a newspaper, I think called Informer, without consent, published my photograph from the protest, which is now being widely shared on social media, accompanied by false information about me.”8

The students in the blockade issued a statement expressing support for their colleague.9

Progovernment media outlets continued their public accusations against students involved in the blockade. Another student’s personal details (full name and place of residence) were revealed. In an interview with TV N1,

the student stated that his name was broadcast on TV Informer by the editor-in-chief of the media outlet, after which he began receiving numerous threats. The threats were reported to the relevant authorities.10

According to data published in late January, progovernment tabloids were forced to remove over 100 articles that month after foreign companies hosting their websites were informed of the content of the hosted articles – namely that they contained photos of students’ personal documents, personal data, alleged health information and other.11

Former editors and contributors of Student, the official publication of the University of Belgrade, expressed full support for their young colleagues who “are conducting a public lesson in the streets and university halls across Serbia, demanding truth, justice, and accountability.”12

***

The Serbian Psychological Society strongly condemned the targeting of students in the blockade, stating that it is an ethically and legally unacceptable act. It was noted that “by disclosing either accurate or inaccurate information about a student’s mental status,” there is a clear intent to “discredit a specific individual.”13

In order to protect the individual from discreditation, the Higher Court in Belgrade, in a firstinstance ruling, issued a temporary measure prohibiting the editor-in-chief of the Informer portal from republishing information about the psychological and physical health of activist Mila Pajić. This includes information regarding psychiatric and consultative medical opinions on her mental state, hospitalization, and psychological instability. For the same reason, the editor-in-chief of the Informer online portal is also prohibited from labeling Mila Pajić as an “anti-Serb,” someone who makes “anti-Serbian statements,” “celebrates Operation Storm,” or is in an emotional relationship with her professor, Dinko Gruhonjić.14

Employment Terminations in the Media Following Support for Student Protests

The association for encouragement and development of citizens, OsnaŽene (Empowered), announced that it had severed ties with ELLE Serbia magazine due to the dismissal of web editor Tara Đukić after she expressed support for student protests. ELLE Serbia’s publisher denied the allegations, stating that her contract was terminated following a regular six-month evaluation of editorial teams, which indicated a significant decline in her work performance.15

The European Federation of Journalists and its Serbian affiliates confirmed that the journalist had been criticized for her article on student protests, even though it was approved by the editor-in-chief. In the notice they published, it is stated that there was never any talk of the journalist performing poorly, on the contrary, she was given a salary increase as recognition for her successful journalistic work. The federation and other journalist associations in Serbia pledged to send a letter to the magazine’s management, detailing the information they possessed regarding the incident.16

Journalist Vojislava Crnjanski Spasojević, from the daily newspaper Večernje novosti, informed the public that her employment was terminated after she posted a photo on her Instagram profile from a protest organized in front of the Constitutional Court of Serbia.

About ten days before she was officially notified that, “due to technological, economic, and organizational changes at the employer, there was no longer a need for [her] position,” the journalist had publicly distanced herself on Instagram from the publication of students Lazar and Luka Stojaković’s personal documents on the Novosti portal. The official decision stated that the employer had conducted a detailed analysis of her work performance and concluded that she had achieved the lowest results. However, according to the journalist, the company’s management did not consult either her editors or the editorial board when assessing her work or the needs of the newsroom.

She added that she had never been warned about any issues regarding her work. She also reminded the public that she is a recipient of the “Journalist of the Year” award, as well as multiple editorial board awards for individual articles, the most recent of which she received in December 2024.17 The Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (NUNS) requested a comment from Večernje novosti, but no response was received.18

Journalist Vojislava Crnjanski Spasojević is not the only journalist whose employment at Novosti was terminated. According to the Union of Journalists and Media Workers of Serbia SO Novosti (SINOS), her colleague was also dismissed because she had posted a photo of herself at the student and civic protests on social media a few days earlier. SINOS has taken the position that they will not disclose the colleague’s name in order to avoid any pressure that she and her parents might be subjected to. “In this case, as well as the previous one, SINOS will inform the Ministry of Information and Telecommunications and the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ),” the union stated in its announcement.

Relevant media and journalist associations have expressed their support for their colleagues.19

Open letter from RTS journalist Milan Srdić and the request from the Union of Production and Technical Workers employed at RTS addressed to the main editor of the news program, Nenad Lj. Stefanović

RTS journalist Milan Srdić sent an open letter to Nenad Lj. Stefanović, the main editor of the public media service’s news program. The reason for his public appeal to his colleague via the social media platform Facebook was his dissatisfaction with how the media company he works for — which is a public media service for the citizens — reports on the student protests whose voices are also heard within their premises: “Does your stomach react when you hear the noise of 55,000 people in front of your house?” the journalist questioned in his open letter.20

Due to inadequate reporting on the student protests and the inability for students’ voices to be heard on RTS, the Union of Production and Technical Workers employed at RTS also directed a request to the main editor of the news program.21

Security experts at Google confirm the findings of the report “Digital Prison – Surveillance and Repression of Civil Society in Serbia”

Jelena Sesar, a researcher for the Balkans and the European Union at Amnesty International, stated to the portal Cenzolovka that security experts at Google confirmed the findings from the analysis published by Amnesty International on December 16, 2024. (More about the analysis in the Monitoring of  the Media Scene in Serbia for December 2024.)

Security experts at Google identified a significant number of additional compromised devices and removed spyware from them.22

Jelena Sesar confirmed that Amnesty International is not in contact with the relevant prosecutor’s office. She emphasized the importance of institutions such as the Protector of Citizens and the Commissioner for the Protection of Personal Data initiating control procedures ex officio to determine whether there has been illegal conduct to the detriment of citizens.23

The company Cellebrite contacted Amnesty International in a letter expressing concern about the published report. They committed to investigating the findings of the report, and if it is shown that there were abuses of Cellebrite tools in Serbia, they would be ready to suspend or revoke the licenses of all agencies involved in the abuse.24

According to Jelena Sesar, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway also expressed great concern regarding the information that Amnesty International has uncovered. Amnesty International is aware that Norwegian authorities and the Ministry of the Interior have held several discussions, and that the Government of Norway has requested that UNOPS in Serbia investigate possible misuse (UNOPS was responsible for procurement on behalf of the Ministry of the Interior of Serbia, for which funds from the Norwegian donation were used).25

ANEM monitoring report for January 2025 on freedom of expression, old and new regulations and analysis of SLAPP lawsuits

The beginning of 2025 was marked by the absence of ethics in pro-government media reporting on student protests. The topic of this month’s monitoring are the most blatant examples of such reporting, but also those other, positive examples that resulted in negative consequences.

The monitoring follows the effects of the analysis “‘Digital prison’ ー Surveillance and repression of civil society in Serbia”, published by Amnesty International on December 16, 2024. Security experts at Google confirmed the findings from the analysis and identified an additional significant number of compromised devices from which they removed the spyware.

Even in January, media workers were not spared threats and pressure. Media and journalist associations expressed deep concern regarding threats addressed to Brankica Stanković, the editor-in-chief of Insider TV, Radmilo Marković, a journalist from the BIRN and Vreme newsrooms, the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation, journalists from the Radar weekly and the Glas Šumadije portal, the editorial staff of the Magločistač portal, Marko Vidojković and Nenad Kulačin, the authors of “The Good, the Bad, the Evil” podcast. Members of the gendarmerie treated roughly TV N1 cameraman and journalist Dragan Vukelić and Ksenija Pavkov. Dragana Prica, Radio 021 journalist, Ksenija Pavkov, TV N1 journalist, Aleksandar Latas, Danas journalist, Darko Eker, TV Nova S cameraman, and journalist Žarko Bogosavljević were exposed to the interventions of members of the police and gendarmerie in front of the City Hall in Novi Sad. An unknown man harassed Ana Marija Ivković, editor and journalist of the Alternativa portal. Zoran Kesić, a journalist and television presenter, was targeted with numerous graffiti that were painted on buildings throughout Belgrade.

The topic of monitoring was the outcome of the process for the election of REM Council members, as well as the shortcomings of the Rulebook on the manner of establishing and content of the Unified Information System for the implementation and monitoring of co-financing of projects in the field of public information (JIS).

Lawsuits that have the character of SLAPP are also an indispensable segment of monitoring. This time we are talking about the lawsuits filed by Jelena Tanasković, a former minister and one of the defendants in the case of the roof falling in Novi Sad, against the editor-in-chief, journalists of the KRIK portal and the association that is the founder of said media.

ANEM monitoring report for January 2025 on freedom of expression, old and new regulations and analysis of SLAPP lawsuits

The beginning of 2025 was marked by the absence of ethics in pro-government media reporting on student protests. The topic of this month’s monitoring are the most blatant examples of such reporting, but also those other, positive examples that resulted in negative consequences.

The monitoring follows the effects of the analysis “‘Digital prison’ ー Surveillance and repression of civil society in Serbia”, published by Amnesty International on December 16, 2024. Security experts at Google confirmed the findings from the analysis and identified an additional significant number of compromised devices from which they removed the spyware.

Even in January, media workers were not spared threats and pressure. Media and journalist associations expressed deep concern regarding threats addressed to Brankica Stanković, the editor-in-chief of Insider TV, Radmilo Marković, a journalist from the BIRN and Vreme newsrooms, the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation, journalists from the Radar weekly and the Glas Šumadije portal, the editorial staff of the Magločistač portal, Marko Vidojković and Nenad Kulačin, the authors of “The Good, the Bad, the Evil” podcast. Members of the gendarmerie treated roughly TV N1 cameraman and journalist Dragan Vukelić and Ksenija Pavkov. Dragana Prica, Radio 021 journalist, Ksenija Pavkov, TV N1 journalist, Aleksandar Latas, Danas journalist, Darko Eker, TV Nova S cameraman, and journalist Žarko Bogosavljević were exposed to the interventions of members of the police and gendarmerie in front of the City Hall in Novi Sad. An unknown man harassed Ana Marija Ivković, editor and journalist of the Alternativa portal. Zoran Kesić, a journalist and television presenter, was targeted with numerous graffiti that were painted on buildings throughout Belgrade.

The topic of monitoring was the outcome of the process for the election of REM Council members, as well as the shortcomings of the Rulebook on the manner of establishing and content of the Unified Information System for the implementation and monitoring of co-financing of projects in the field of public information (JIS).

Lawsuits that have the character of SLAPP are also an indispensable segment of monitoring. This time we are talking about the lawsuits filed by Jelena Tanasković, a former minister and one of the defendants in the case of the roof falling in Novi Sad, against the editor-in-chief, journalists of the KRIK portal and the association that is the founder of said media.

Threats and Pressure

In the first week of the New Year, the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (NUNS) expressed deep concern over the frequent threats to journalists and the violation of ethical standards in the media.26

Threats directed at the editor-in-chief of Insajder TV, Brankica Stanković

Following the announcement of a program about Zvezdan Terzić, the general director of FK Crvena Zvezda (Red Star), journalist Brankica Stanković received two concerning comments via the social media platform X (formerly Twitter). From the account omega@m4Pk0, she was sent a message: “Beee ninety twoooo, police showwww, they will lie to you this Thursdayyyy,” and from the account Nikola @Dzoni_Todor: “She will lie to you this Thursday BRANKI- CA THE W***E.”

In May 2022, at a basketball game between the clubs Partizan and Budućnost, hooligans shouted the same slogans. As early as 2009, Brankica Stanković was targeted due to the investigative series “The Powerlessness of the State,” broadcast on Television B92. The theme of the series was the activities of fan groups from various clubs. The danger she was exposed to led to this investigative journalist being assigned 24-hour police protection, which was a part of Brankica Stanković’s daily life for the next seven years.

In mid-December of the same year, at a football match between the clubs Partizan and Shakhtar, a group of hooligans chanted from the stands: “You are dangerous like a snake, you will end up like Ćuruvija, Brankica you wh**e.” They waved a blowup doll that was meant to represent the journalist.

They threw the doll, kicked it, and stabbed it with a pole. Because of this incident, Miloš Radosavljević Kimi, one of the leaders of the Partizan fan group called Alcatraz, was sentenced to 16 months in prison (10 months for the criminal offense of Endangering Security, and six for the committed criminal offense of Violent Behavior). The leader of the fan group Shadows, Goran Klještan, and a member of that group, Aleksandar Perišić, received conditional sentences of 10 months in prison, with a verification period of four years. Milan Gudurić was sentenced to a conditional prison term of one year, with a verification period of five years.27 All three were convicted of endangering the journalist’s safety.

Through a direct message on the social media platform X, for the second time, Radmilo Marković received disturbing messages. From the account @ Viktor063162296, he was sent: “… I’ll f**k you in the mouth, bastard. Since you get f**ked in the ass, try a little in the mouth too. Ask your mommy how that is, she’s so pathetic and now we have a mistake of nature,” and “Open your mouth so I can tell you who the supreme commander of the loyalists is. You’ll find out when the time comes, you autonomous communeustasha dog.” Marković also received disturbing messages in April 2024.

Threatening messages sent to the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation

In early December, a threatening message was sent to the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation via the social media platform Facebook: “AND WHY DOES THIS CONCERN YOU FROM ĆURUVIJA? BE CAREFUL, THERE ARE MORE EASTER SUNDAYS TO COME, GILDED HANDS.” (More in the Monitoring of the  Media Scene for December 2024.) A month later, from the same profile, new disturbing messages were sent: “May the hands of the one who struck Ćuruvija be gilded.” The threats were urgently reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime.28

Harassment of the editor and journalist of the portal Alternativa, Ana Marija Ivković

Journalist Ana Marija Ivković reported the harassment she experienced while walking in the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica. An unknown man, as she stated, approached her in English and asked whether she was Serbian or Albanian. After that, he requested her identification card. When she refused to give him her personal documents, she asked him if he was a policeman. Responding in the negative, he continued to follow her. He was persistent and only gave up after the journalist took out her mobile phone to record him.29

Ana Marija Ivković reported the incident to the Kosovo Police, who took the position that there were no elements for action but informed her that they would work on identifying the man who followed her.30

Threats directed at journalists of the weekly Radar and the portal Glas Šumadije

The editorial office of the weekly Radar reported threatening comments that they continuously receive from the same IP address, almost every month. Through a Facebook profile named Han Stjenice, threatening messages were sent to the editorial office of the portal Glas Šumadije via the Messenger app, which they urgently reported to the relevant prosecutor’s office through NUNS.31

Publication of personal data of the journalist from Telegram.hr, Mateja Devčić

In the TV Informer program, Vojislav Šešelj published the personal data (as well as the address of the hotel where he stayed) of the journalist from the portal Telegram.hr, Mateja Devčić, claiming that the aforementioned journalist is active as one of the foreign “trainers” of the protest leaders. The network SafeJournalists condemned the manipulations that the Serbian authorities, starting from the very top, use against journalists and students during protests in Serbia.

Targeting Zoran Kesić, journalist, TV host and comedian

In early January, Veran Matić, a member of the Permanent Working Group for the Safety of Journalists and president of the governing board of the Association of Independent Electronic Media, filed a criminal and misdemeanor complaint due to a multitude of graffiti (written in a short period of time) targeting journalist Zoran Kesić. In the complaint, the filer noted that he counted at least 200 graffiti just along the stretch from Slavija to Kalemegdan in Belgrade. The graffiti were written in numerous locations in the municipalities of Vračar, Stari Grad, and Novi Beograd, and varied in size from smaller, stenciled graffiti to larger ones spanning several square meters. Among other places, they were inscribed on the building of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Andrić’s Endowment, the Protocol building, the Yugoslav Drama Theatre, on both sides of the Terazije Tunnel, in front of Zoran Kesić’s residence, as well as in front of his parents’ house.

The complaint points out that the act was obviously carried out in a group since a large number of graffiti were written in a short period at multiple locations. The message of the graffiti is as follows: “1.11.2024. Zoran Kesić, Show must go on!” The message alludes to Kesić’s performance held in Sarajevo on November 1 of last year, the same day Novi Sad Railway Station canopy collapsed killing 15 and injuring 2 citizens, when he stated: “Show must go on for those of us who remain; we mourn the victims but also insist on accountability.” The first graffiti were noticed on December 26, 2024, and Kesić himself reported them to the police. ANEM’s complaint followed due to the fact that the relevant authorities had not taken any “visible” action to prevent the “destruction of property,” “defacing the city,” and the harassment of Zoran Kesić, his family, his team of associates, as well as other journalists and media workers. The police announced that they were “working on identifying” the individuals who participated in the graffiti writing. Two weeks after ANEM filed the criminal complaint, Kesić received a summons to appear at the relevant prosecutor’s office.32 In a statement for Danas, the responsible ministry expressed the view that the content of the graffiti does not constitute a threat or pressure, and that their reaction in this particular case is not necessary.33

The citizens’ association “Krokodil” organized an action to remove the graffiti; however, new ones appeared over the paintedover graffiti. Zoran Kesić continued to inform the prosecutor’s office about the evidence, but by the time of writing this report, no individual had been identified or prosecuted. Journalistic and media associations condemned the targeting of Zoran Kesić and demanded an urgent response from the relevant institutions.34 ANEM called on citizens to get involved in the action of removing graffiti and reporting individuals they find writing them.35

Threats directed at the editorial office of the portal Magločistač

Through the Facebook Messenger app, from the account Ika Mijatov, the editorial office of the portal Magločistač received death threats: “f**ck your families we’ll kill you”. The message was immediately reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime in Belgrade. The editorial members were informed that the case is being handled.36

The middle finger of the Minister of Finance

After Minister of Finance Siniša Mali stood up to pay the bill in a restaurant, guests began shouting: “Long live the students!” Restaurant staff joined the guests in shouting. The minister’s response was to show them his middle finger. Journalist Danica Ilić approached the minister, introduced herself, said she was a journalist, and in that capacity asked him for a statement. According to her, Siniša Mali snatched the phone from her hands and left the restaurant.

The journalist followed him outside, where the minister asked why she was filming him. The journalist reminded him that he is a public official in a public place and that she, as a journalist, has the right to ask him what he thinks about his inappropriate gesture. As they walked down the street, the minister, according to the journalist, was holding her phone. After a brief discussion about what a public function is and what journalism entails, Siniša Mali dropped the phone into a flowerpot.37

In early January, stickers appeared in Novi Sad featuring a skeleton with a noose beneath the words: “The Fate of Journalists.” The stickers were signed by the socalled Zentrop (in the description of their Instagram profile, they

describe themselves as “a community of Serbian revolutionary nationalists.” A year ago, they held a gathering in Belgrade dedicated to Milan Nedić, a general from World War II and chief of staff of the Royal Yugoslav Army).38 According to the portal Nova.rs, the stickers were mainly affixed to traffic signs and traffic lights.

The case of Jelena Spasić, journalist of the daily Kurir

Due to threatening messages directed at journalist Jelena S. Spasić in late September 2024, two men were detained for 48 hours. One of them, previously convicted of murder, was placed under house arrest. At the end of January, this individual violated the restriction on leaving his residence, and law enforcement could not locate him. This was the third case of violation of the restriction on leaving the residence recorded over the past year.

The journalist only learned by chance, while on a winter vacation with her minor children, that a dangerous individual was at large, and on February 10, she was informed that the individual had been located and placed in custody for 30 days.39

The Journalists’ Association of Serbia (UNS) requested an urgent security assessment for the journalist.40

More on the case can be found in the Monitoring of the Media Scene in Serbia for September and October 2024.

Threats directed at the authors of the podcast “Dobar, loš, zao” (Good, bad, evil)                

Nenad Kulačin and Marko Vidojković received threats in the comments section below a YouTube video of their podcast episode. They were told that they would “be shaved dry so they would whine better.” In another comment, it was stated that they should be thrown “into a meat grinder and made into soap.” The threats were reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime. Before filing the report, the second comment was removed.

Relevant journalistic associations, media organizations, and associations strongly condemned the threats and demanded a swift response from the competent institutions.41 42 43

The Case of Dinko Gruhonjić

Dinko Gruhonjić, an associate professor at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad, journalist, and program director of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina (NDNV), sent a letter to the top officials of Croatia requesting protection for his son, who works and studies in Zagreb. Gruhonjić sent the letter because the Serbian ambassador to Croatia made a post on Facebook that, according to Gruhonjić, contained falsehoods about his son. This information continued to be published in progovernment tabloids.44

Harsh treatment of the TV N1 crew – cameraman Dragan Vukelić and journalist Ksenija Pavkov by the gendarmerie

TV N1 journalist Ksenija Pavkov and cameraman Dragan Vukelić were physically prevented by the gendarmerie from reporting on the police action to break up a blockade in the Rumenka settlement near Novi Sad. According to Ksenija Pavkov, a member of the intervention police grabbed the cameraman’s arm and pushed him.

Harsh police and gendarmerie interventions in front of Novi Sad City Hall

Although they repeatedly identified themselves as journalists, Dragan Prica, a journalist for Radio 021, and Ksenija Pavkov, a journalist for TV N1, were pulled and pushed by police and gendarmerie officers. Aleksandar Latas, a journalist for the newspaper Danas, was threatened with being “tied up.” TV Nova S cameraman Darko Eker was pulled by his backpack, which contained his TV equipment. Journalist Žarko Bogosavljević was thrown to the ground — all of this while they were reporting from the blockade of Novi Sad City Hall, according to an NDNV statement.45

Private security prevented journalists from reporting from the Valjevo City Assembly    

Although they had been formally invited to the event, private security prevented journalists from reporting from the press conference of the Svanuće (Dawn) councilor group in the Valjevo City Assembly. At one point, a cameraman from Valjevo Plus TV was even pushed. After opposition councilors insisted, journalists were allowed to enter the assembly. Journalist associations reacted to this incident46, and the case was recorded in the SafeJournalists network database.47

Only selected media invited to the IT equipment handover at Matica Srpska The Journalists’ Association of Serbia (UNS) protested the Serbian government’s decision to hand over IT equipment to Matica Srpska in the presence of only selected media. The event was attended by Serbian Prime Minister Miloš Vučević and Minister of Information and Telecommunications Dejan Ristić.

According to UNS sources, only journalists from public broadcasters NS Uživo and Novosadska Televizija, and the Tanjug news agency were invited. UNS requested clarification from the Serbian government’s Media Cooperation Office but received no response. The association called on the office to invite all media outlets to events of public importance.48

Anniversaries of journalist murders in Kosovo

On January 11, twenty-six years had passed since the murder of Enver Maloku, a journalist, writer, and head of the Kosovo Information Center (KIC). Maloku was killed in the afternoon, just a few meters from his apartment, on the ground floor of a building in Sunčev Breg. He died shortly afterward in a hospital in Pristina. To this day, his killers have not been identified.49

II IMPLEMENTATION OF EXISTING REGULATIONS

Regulatory Body for Electronic Media (REM)

The agreement on the proposers of candidates for REM Council members took place on January 20 in the premises of the National Assembly. The process resulted in a list of 18 candidates, divided into nine categories. Due to non-compliance with the Law on Electronic Media, controversial proposers and candidates were not eliminated but instead had their candidacies confirmed. After the agreement, a list of proposed candidates was formed.

A public hearing for the agreed candidates was held on January 23 before the Parliamentary Committee on Culture and Information. Candidates Dušan Aleksić, Aleksandra Krstić, and Saša Mirković requested that the Committee “annul the selection process for REM Council members in seven out of nine categories.”50 Five days later, seven out of the eighteen shortlisted candidates (Saša Mirković, Rodoljub Šabić, Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, Aleksandra Krstić, Dušan Aleksić, Željko Hubač and Muhedin Fijuljanin) withdrew their candidacies, preventing the Serbian Assembly from legally electing the Regulatory Council. Consequently, “in two out of nine proposer groups, there will be no candidates, while in three, there will be only one candidate each, meaning that in only four categories, MPs will be able to choose between two candidates.”51

The outcome of the process is not surprising, given that ANEM had already

officially objected at the end of December, pointing out illegalities in the selection process for the REM Council.52 Various organizations, including Civic Initiatives53, citizen associations, journalist and media associations,54 the National Convention on the European Union,55 the Faculty of Dramatic Arts,56 and numerous individuals, publicly highlighted these irregularities.

Considering the numerous violations of the Law on Electronic Media, it is evident that the ongoing REM Council member selection process should be halted, and a new process should be initiated.

Project Co-Financing

On January 1, the Regulation on the Establishment and Content of the Unified Information System for the Implementation and Monitoring of Project  Co Financing in the Field of Public Information (JIS) came into effect.

Representatives of journalist and media associations expressed concerns about certain provisions of the regulation.57 When the regulation was adopted in December, ANEM requested clarifications from the ministry regarding the identified irregularities and inconsistencies. However, once again, no response was provided.58

An online portal for the Unified Information System (JIS) was launched on the official website of the Ministry. The platform’s rollout occurred in two phases. Phase one required mandatory data input by relevant institutions, competition issuing bodies, and competition participants. They were instructed to appoint one or more authorized individuals to enter data and documents on the JIS web portal. Although the Ministry initially set a 15-day deadline for registration, the actual timeframe was shortened because the JIS became operational two days later than announced.

Phase two ensured functionality for publishing calls for project funding applications and allowed media organizations to submit applications for cofinancing.59

Numerous issues were observed on the portal, including spelling errors, missing audio in tutorials, poor software solutions, and unclear instructions. The most significant issue was the alteration of criteria after the process had already begun, forcing users to submit additional documentation and evidence that had not been required initially.

III NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE FIGHT AGAINST SLAPP LAW SUITS (STRATEGIC LAWSUITS AGAINST PUBLIC PARTICIPATION)

The organization Human Rights Watch has recorded an increase in the number of SLAPP lawsuits in Serbia. It is evident that most lawsuits are directed against the media, aiming to exert pressure on them to avoid covering certain topics. The report highlights KRIK, which has disclosed that a significant number of SLAPP lawsuits have been filed against them (a total of 14 by September).60

Jelena Tanasković, former minister, director of Serbian Railway Infrastructure, and one of the accused in the case of the collapsed canopy in Novi Sad, filed two lawsuits in January from house arrest against the editor-in-chief, journalists of the KRIK portal, and the association that founded the media outlet.

The first lawsuit was filed over an investigative article titled “Tanasković was not investigated for financial crime thanks to her friend’s husband, police  chief Cmolić,” in which the journalist examines the (lack of) action by relevant institutions regarding a criminal complaint61 filed against Tanasković by a company where she previously served as director.

The second lawsuit was filed by the former minister over an article in which the journalist informed readers that Jelena Tanasković had sued them over the aforementioned article.

In each lawsuit, the former minister is demanding 1,000,000 dinars as compensation for non-material damages due to defamation and harm to her reputation.

KRIK editor Stevan Dojčinović commented on the lawsuits as follows: “This move clearly shows that Tanasković is conducting SLAPP proceedings against us, meaning she wants to bury us in lawsuits so that we stop writing about her.”62

This publication was released with the financial support of the European Union, Norway, and the Balkan Trust for Democracy, a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States. The content is the sole responsibility of the Association of Independent Electronic Media and does not necessarily reflect the official views of the European Union, the Government of Norway, the German Marshall Fund, or the Balkan Trust for Democracy.

This Monitoring Report was prepared by expert monitoring team from the law office “Savović” in cooperation with ANEM.

Endnotes

1. „Novosti“ ugrožavaju bezbednost studenata, article published on January 3, 2025 at N1
2. Advokat studenata: Krivične prijave protiv svih medija koji su objavili podatke iz pasoša, article published on January 3, 2025 at N1 portal.
3. Unauthorized collection of personal data Article 146

(1) Whoever unlawfully obtains, communicates to another, or uses for an unintended purpose personal data collected, processed, and used under the law shall be punished by a fine or imprisonment of up to one year.

(2) The penalty from paragraph 1 of this article shall also apply to anyone who collects citizens’ personal data contrary to the law or uses such collected data.

(3) If the act from paragraph 1 of this article is committed by an official in the performance of their duty, they shall be punished by imprisonment of up to three years.

4. „Sramno novinarstvo, asocira na poternicu“: Mogu li Novosti krivično da odgovaraju zbog objavljivanja ličnih podataka braće Stojaković?, author: Željko Bošnjaković, article published on January 3, 2025 at Danas

5. Pašalić: Slučaj pasoša studenata koji su objavljeni u medijima nije u mojoj nadležnosti, article published on January 3, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal, source: RTS.

6. Platforma Tri slobode traži od predstavnika vlasti da prekinu sa govorom mržnje i progonom studenata i studentkinja, article published on January 16, 2025 at Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation portal.

7 .Studenti u blokadi osudili rasističke izjave tabloida i Jelene Karleuše, article published on January 19, 2025 at Danas portal.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid.

10. Prorežimski mediji objavili identitet i mesto gde živi: Studentu Milošu su počele da stižu jezive pretnje, author: Ksenija Pavkov, report published on January 21, 2025 at N1 portal.

11. Tabloidi zloupotrebljavaju čak i mentalno zdravlje za omalovažavanje studenata i kritičara vlasti, author: Danica Đokić, article published on January 23, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal.

12. https://magazinstudent.rs/2025/01/28/pravo-na-pobunu-podrska-studentima-od-bivsih-studentovaca/, letter published on January 28, 2025 at Student portal.

13. Društvo psihologa Srbije najoštrije osuđuje pojavu targetiranja studenata u blokadi na bilo koji način.

14. https://yihr.rs/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/270125-YIHR-Visi-sud-privremena-mera-Mila-Pajic.pdf

15. Urednica dobila otkaz u ELLE: Izdavač demantuje da je razlog podrška studentima, article published on January 15, 2025 at N1 portal.

16. Serbia: IFJ and EFJ sound alarm about press restrictions and dismissals, article published on January 31,

17. Otkaz novinarki Novosti Vojislavi Crnjanski Spasojević zbog fotografije sa protesta, author: R., article published on January 21, 2025 at Danas portal.

18. “Novosti” ćute o otpuštanju Vojislave Crnjanski Spasojević, article published on January 22, 2025 at NUNS portal.

19 . ANEM: Eksplozivna atmosfera zahteva efikasniji odgovor institucija, statement published on January 27, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal, source: ANEM.

20 . Otvoreno pismo novinara RTS-a uredniku informativnog programa, article published on January 20, 2025 at N1 portal.

21. Sindikat RTS-a zahteva od Nenada Stefanovića da naloži izveštavanje sa studentskog protesta, article published on January 22, 2025 at NUNS portal.

22. Upotreba špijunskog softvera nastavljena i posle otkrića Amnestija da policija i BIA nadziru aktiviste i novinare, author: Jelena Petković, article published on January 31, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal.

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid.

26. NUNS: Zaštita novinara, privatnosti i novinarska etika pale na ispitu u novoj godini, statement pub- lished on January 4, 2025 at NUNS portal.

27. Trojica oslobođena za pretnje Brankici Stanković, article published on October 9, 2015 at NUNS

28. Pretnje smrću i fizičkoj bezbednosti novinara, Slavko Ćuruvija Fondacija, Beograd, 01.2025, article published on January 13, 2025 at SafeJournalists portal.

29. Novinarka Ana Marija Ivković sa Kosova prijavila uznemiravanje, policija kaže da nema elemenata za otvaranje slučaja, article published on January 9, 2025 at N1 portal.

30. Ibid.

31. Pretnje Glasu Šumadije prijavljene tužilaštvu, article published on January 27, 2025 at RES PUBLICA portal.

32. Zbog ispisivanja pretećih grafita i krivične prijave, voditelja pozvalo tužilaštvo na razgovor: Jasan politič- ki potpis u kampanji protiv Kesića, author: Ivana Nikoletić, article published on January 13, 2025 at Danas

33. Ibid.

34. NUNS: Zaštita novinara, privatnosti i novinarska etika pale na ispitu u novoj godini, statement pub- lished on January 4, 2025 at NUNS portal.

35. ANEM uputio MUPu prekršajnu i krivičnu prijavu za ispisivanje uznemirujućih grafita u kojima se tar- getira Zoran Kesić, ali i ruži Beograd, statement published on January 4, 2025 at NUNS portal.

36. Redakciji portala Magločistač upućene pretnje smrću, slučaj prijavljen nadležnim institucijama, article published on January 22, 2025 at Magločistač portal.

37. Gosti u restoranu skandirali Malom “živeli studenti”, on im pokazao srednji prst, article published on January 25, 2025 at N1 portal.

38. Nove pretnje novinarima: U Novom Sadu osvanule fotografije kostura sa omčom za vešanje i porukom kakva ih sudbina čeka, article published on January 6, 2025 at Nova portal.

39. Veran Matić: Ugrožena je bezbednost Jelene Spasić besktvom Saše Mirovića iz kućnog pritvora, article published on January 9, 2025 at Kurir portal.

40. UNS: MUP da hitno uradi ponovnu procenu bezbednosti Jelene Spasić, statement published on Janu- ary 9, 2025 at UNS portal.

41. Pretnje smrću i fizičkoj sigurnosti novinara, Nenad Kulačin i Marko Vidojković, Beograd, 01.2025, published on January 1, 2025 at SafeJournalists portal.

42. Kulačin i Vidojković dobili jezive pretnje, pominje se i mašina za mlevenje mesa, statement published on January 3, 2025 at NUNS portal.

43. UNS: Da Tužilaštvo za visokotehnološki kriminal pronađe ko preti Nenadu Kulačinu i Marku Vidojkov- iću, statement published on January 4, 2025 at UNS portal.

44. HND: Pozivamo hrvatske vlasti da apel našega kolege Gruhonjića shvate ozbiljno, statement published on January 8, 2025 at HND portal.

45. U akciji žandarmerije kod Rumenke odgurnuti snimatelj i reporterka N1, article published on January 25, 2025 at Autonomija portal.

46. UNS: Gradska kuća u Valjevu mora biti otvorena za novinare, statement published on January 24, 2025 at UNS portal.

47. Stvarni napadi na novinare, snimatelj TV Valjevo Plus, Valjevo, 01.2025, published on January 23, 2025 at SafeJournalists portal.

48. UNS: Vlada Srbije da se ravnopravno odnosi prema medijima, statement published on January 3, 2025 at UNS portal.

49. Istraživanje UNS-a o ubijenim i otetim novinarima na Kosovu :: Interesi obaveštajaca upleteni u istragu ubistva novinara Envera Maljokua, article published on June 4, 2018 at UNS portal.

50. „Poništiti proces izbora članova Saveta REM u 7 od 9 kategorija“: Zahtev kandidata na javnom slušanju, article published on January 23, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal, sources: N1, FoNet.

51. Sedam kandidata povuklo kandidature, novi Savet REM-a po zakonu ne može da bude izabran, article published on January 28, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal.

52. Prigovor na listu kandidata i predlagača za izbor Saveta Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije, article published on January 28, 2025 at Javni servis portal.

53. Vlast krši zakone da održi kontrolu nad RTS-om, statement published on January 17, 2025 at Civic Ini- tiatives portal.

54. Ozbiljne nepravilnosti, sukobi interesa i politički pritisci tokom procesa izbora kandidata za Savet REM-a, article published on January 20, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal.

55. Nacionalni konvent upozorava na probleme u izboru novog sastava REM-a, article published on January 21, 2025 at Cenzolovka portal.

56. SAOPŠTENJE FAKULTETA DRAMSKIH UMETNOSTI POVODOM IZBORA ČLANOVA/ICAREM-A, statement published on January 21, 2025 at FDU portal.

57. Da li će izmenjeni Pravilnik o projektnom sufinansiranju unaprediti raspodelu novca medijima – šta kažu medijski stručnjaci, author: Milica Mihajlović, article published on February 3, 2025 at UNS

58. Media monitoring for December 2024, published at Bezbedni novinari

59. POČINJE SA RADOM JEDINSTVENI INFORMACIONI SISTEM ZA SUFINANSIRANjE MEDI- JSKIH PROJEKATA

60. Hjuman rajts voč: Napadi na novinare među značajnijim problemima u Srbiji u 2024, article published on January 16, 2025 at NUNS portal.

61. A criminal complaint has been filed due to the existence of grounds for suspicion that Tanasković and three other persons, in complicity, committed the extended criminal offense of Abuse of Position of Respon- sible Person under Article 234, paragraph 3, and the criminal offense of Forgery of a Document under Article 355, paragraph 2 of the Criminal Code. The investigation published by the defendants refers specifically to the outcome of that criminal complaint.

62.Tanasković ponovo tužila KRIK – jer smo objavili da nas je tužila, article published on February 6, 2025 at KRIK portal.